J  c 


UC-NRLF 


THE 

DEMESMAN  IN  ATTIC  LIFE 


A   DISSERTATION 

SUBMITTED    TO     THE     BOARD     OF    UNIVERSITY    STUDIES  OF    THE    JOHNS 
HOPKINS   UNIVERoilY  IN   CONFORMITY  WITH  THE   REQUIRE- 
MENTS FOR  THE  DEGREE  OF  DOCTOR 
OF    PHILOSOPHY 


BY 

JOHN   BOWEN  EDWARDS 


GEORGE  BANTA  PUBLISHING  COMPANY 
MENASHA.  WISCONSIN 

1916 


EXCHANGE 


C 


■^li 


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in  2007  with  funding  from 

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http://www.archive.org/details/demesmaninatticlOOedwarich 


^aifm  ^a9kx^^s  Hniti^raitg 


THE 

DEMESMAN  IN  ATTIC  LIFE 


A  DISSERTATION 

SUBMITTED    TO     THE     BOARD     OF    UNIVERSITY     STUDIES   OF    THE    JOHNS 
HOPKINS  UNIVERSITY  IN   CONFORMITY  WITH  THE  REQUIRE- 
MENTS FOR  THE  DEGREE  OF  DOCTOR 
OF    PHILOSOPHY 


BY 

JOHN   BOWEN  EDWARDS 


GEORGE  BANTA  PUBLISHING  COMPANY 
MENASHA.  WISCONSIN 

191 6 


C5^ 


Mr    'J  * 


e-*2  v^w^'^r  «     ■»      a     *''♦. 


THE  DEMESMAN  IN  ATTIC  LIFE 


TO  MY  MOTHER 

This  Paper  is  Affectionately 
Dedicated 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 

Preliminary  Note I 

Chapter  I 

Local  Attachment  in  Deme  and  State 1 

Chapter  II 

The  Deme  as  a  Political  Unit 5 

Chapter  III 

The  Deme  as  a  Religious  Center 15 

Chapter  IV 

The  Deme  as  a  Trade  Center 20 

Chapter  V 

The  Demesman  in  Drama 24 

Chapter  VI 

The  Demesman  in  the  Orators 31 

Chapter  VII 

The  Social  Unity  OF  THE  Deme 48 

Chapter  VIII 

Thucydides  and  Retrospect 55 

Appendix  I 

The  Significance  of  the  Demotikon 58 

Partial  Bibliography 62 

Vita 64 


PRELIMINARY  NOTE 

The  organization  of  the  demes  has  been  made  the  object  of  so 
much  study  that  enough  has  been  learned  about  this  peculiar  insti- 
tution of  the  Athenians  for  one  to  look  for  an  answer  to  the  question 
of  how  it  affected  the  feelings  and  sentiments  of  the  citizens,  to  ask 
about  the  role  of  the  demesman  in  the  life  of  the  people  as  well  as 
the  importance  of  the  deme  in  the  organization  of  their  government. 
The  deme  is  a  town  or  ward,  the  demesman  is  the  citizen  who  lives 
in  it,  and  back  of  the  bond  between  the  citizen  and  his  city, 
appears  the  basic  tie  between  the  citizen  and  his  deme.  Thus 
the  first  thing  to  be  done  is  to  obtain  an  understanding  of  this  rela- 
tion. It  is  only  as  the  demesman  is  active  in  such  capacity  that 
he  is  felt  in  Attic  Hfe,  and  since  actions  are  best  explained  by 
motives  and  feelings,  the  relation  between  demesman  and  deme 
would  present  itself  as  a  feeling  of  local  attachment.  In  the  next 
place  it  is  necessary  to  consider  the  deme  again  from  this  new  point 
of  view  in  the  four  forms  of  human  activity — politics,  religion, 
trade,  and  society.  Since  the  last  of  these  cannot  well  be  con- 
sidered until  we  are  better  acquainted  with  the  demesmen  them- 
selves it  is  reserved  for  a  later  chapter.  The  regard  of  the  demes- 
man for  his  deme  and  his  view  of  the  demes  having  been  presented, 
it  remains  to  see  how  the  demesmen  conducted  themselves  in  their 
association  both  with  men  and  with  the  gods — for  the  Athenians,^ 
as  we  have  heard,  were  a  very  religious  people — and  to  secure  a 
definite  impression  of  the  character  of  the  demesman.  For  popular 
ideals  pictured  in  action  one  would  naturally  turn  to  the  field  of 
drama,  and  for  the  still  more  illuminating  expression  of  popular 
prejudice  and  of  private  interest  to  the  field  of  oratory.  In  round- 
ing out  the  view  and  to  present  the  demes  in  their  true  historical 
perspective  it  is  indicated  how  the  balance  of  power  shifted  inside 

^For  a  time  it  had  seemed  that  in  the  Cult  of  Apollo  with  its  great  oracle  at 
Delphi  Greek  Religion  had  found  a  strong  centralizing  power.  But  their  god  had 
failed  them  in  the  crisis  of  the  Persian  War  and  this  threw  them  back  upon  their  local 
divinities — because  the  miracle  did  happen,  the  Persian  host  was  defeated,  and  it  was 
a  defeat  which  merely  human  powers  could  never  have  achieved.  For  this  interven- 
tion of  the  gods  the  Athenians,  as  their  agents,  had  the  most  reason  to  be  grateful. 
Theirs  was  a  far  different  fate  from  that  of  their  brothers  in  Ionia — whose  gods  had 
not  protected  them  against  the  enemy,  the  result  being  that  they  were  far  less  con- 
servative than  the  Athenians.  In  fact  Ionian  philosophers  were  in  danger  of  being 
persecuted  in  Athens  because  of  impiety. 


PRELIMINARY  NOTE 


the  state.  The  deme-name  or  demotikon  is  also  discussed,  chiefly 
its  use  in  characterization,  thus  harking  back  to  philochoria  (the 
feeHng  of  local  attachment)  again  and  finally  the  social  cohesion 
of  the  deme  is  treated,  and  the  demesmen  are  seen  to  stand  together 
in  the  intimacy  of  kinsmen  and  neighbors. 


CHAPTER  I 
Local  Attachment  in  Deme  and  State 

In  the  picture  that  Plato  gives  of  an  ideal  society  he  locates  it 
in  Attica.^  In  the  Laws  he  places  the  ideal  city  eighty  stades  from 
the  sea,  and  Athens  was  just  half  that  distance — as  Thucydides  had 
noted  ;2  and  all  through  the  Laws  it  is  evident  that  in  his  description 
of  the  ideal  state  Plato  was  thinking  of  his  own  city  no  less  than  of 
Sparta  and  comparing  and  contrasting  the  two.^  So  the  famiUar 
things  in  our  own  life  inevitably  color  our  ideals — the  things  that 
are  nearest  to  us  and  that  custom  has  made  dear.  It  is  not  so  very 
remarkable  that  a  man  should  love  his  own  country,  his  birthplace 
especially,  and  the  place  known  to  him  as  home.  For  this  senti- 
ment, the  feehng  of  local  attachment,  the  Greeks  had  a  word — 
philochoria — and  in  them  it  reached  an  intensity  which  other  peo- 
ples might  emulate,  indeed,  but  have  rarely,  if  ever,  surpassed. 
They  personified  the  places  they  lived  in  (as  who  does  not?)  and 
these  personifications,  these  genii  loci,  became  like  gods  to  them, 
and  as  they  advanced  in  civihzation,  their  sense  of  local  attachment 
developed  from  affection  for  a  particular  place  to  that  passion  for 
their  imperial  city  which  is  so  proudly  expressed  in  the  large  activi- 
ties of  the  Athenians  of  the  Age  of  Pericles. 

The  Age  would  look  to  Homer  for  its  ideals — and  of  his  two 
principal  heroes,  Achilles  and  Odysseus,  the  Athenian  would  find 
himself  in  closer  sympathy  with  the  Ionian  hero.  The  Iliad  tells 
of  the  "wrath  of  a  roving  chieftain  who  would  sooner  fight  in  an 
enemy's  country  than  live  happily  in  his  own";  the  Odyssey  is  the 
story  of  the  homeward  voyaging  of  Odysseus  and  at  the  very  begin- 
ning of  the  story  the  poet  represents  him  as  longing  for  the  sight  of 
Ithaca.^  He  spins  out  the  story  for  the  sake  of  its  fascinating  adven- 
tures but  he  is  very  honest  with  his  hero  and  represents  his  constant 
purpose  as  the  wish  to  be  at  home  in  his  own  land  once  more  and 
the  name  of  Ithaca  is  frequent  on  his  Hps. 

There  is  a  physical  side  to  this  attachment  which  is  very  real 
and  did  not  escape  the  poet's  notice.    Thus  in  the  Odyssey^  the 

» Plato:  Kritias,  110  C,  112  B-D. 
2  Thucydides,  II,  13.     Cf.  Plato:  Laws  704  B. 

^Susemihl:  Genetische  Entwickelung  der  Platonishen  Philosophie  II,  480.  Cf. 
also  477. 

*Odys.  I,  56-59. 

^  Odys.  IX,  19-27.    Alluded  to  by  Lucian  in  his  Patriae  Laudatio. 


2  THE  DEMESMAN  IN  ATTIC  LIFE 

hero  describes  his  beloved  Ithaca  as  rpryxet'  aXX'  ayaOrj  KovpoTp6(f>os, 
a  rugged  isle  hut  a  good  nurse  of  nolle  youth.  Hellas  was  not  a  rich 
country;  and  such  a  circumstance  emphasizes  the  quaHty  of  its 
inhabitants.  It  may  even  develop  a  more  material  side — this  also 
is  noticed  by  the  poet.  Thus  he  makes  Telemachus  in  his  com- 
plaint to  the  Ithacans,  assign  a  double  cause  to  his  grief — the  death 
of  his  father  and  the  continued  waste  and  threatened  destruction 
of  his  property.^ 

The  patriotism  of  the  Athenians  drew  its  strength  from  the  same 
source  as  Odysseus'  love  for  Ithaca.  It  had  its  religious  as  well  as 
its  secular  side;  in  some  mysterious  way  one's  ancestors  continued 
to  dwell  in  the  land,  their  spirits  to  watch  over  their  descendants, 
and  in  a  very  clear  and  practical  way  the  land  fed  them  and  afforded 
a  refuge. 

The  influence  of  philochoria^  on  a  man's  life  and  his  work  is 
shown  well  enough  in  the  case  of  the  great  poets  of  Athens,  who 
combined  their  love  for  the  city  with  the  simpler  affection  which 
every  Athenian  felt  for  the  place  of  his  origin. 

Thus  Aeschylus,  who  was  born  at  Eleusis  and  grew  up  there, 
does  not  escape  the  solemn  influences  of  the  sacred  city.  His 
affection  for  Eleusis  is  alluded  to  by  Aristophanes^  but  Aeschylus 
himself  never  mentions  its  name.^  Could  it  have  been  an  unwel- 
come word  to  an  Athenian  audience  at  one  time  and  so  this  avoid- 
ance have  become  a  stage  tradition?  For  he  is  equally  soHcitous 
to  avoid  mention  of  Sparta^'' — and  to  glorify  Argos. 

Sophocles,  who  came  from  just  outside  of  Athens,  could  not 
be  induced  to  leave  his  own  city  by  any  of  the  princes,  who 
invited  him  to  their  courts."  He  drew  his  most  inspiring  material 
from  Attic  legend.  He  could  have  had  no  such  motives  as 
Aeschylus  for  avoiding  mention  of  his  birthplace;  and  it  is  in  his 
native  deme,  KoXcows,  that  he  locates  the  last  of  his  plays  of  Oedi- 
pus. ^^    Throughout  this  play  the  altars  and  gods  of  the  deme  are 

7  Cf.  Plutarch,  Demosth.  c.  2. 

« Frogs  886. 

'In  the  plays  extant.  But  one  of  his  plays  was  called  ol  *E\ev<rlvioi,.  The 
deme  'EXevais  is  not  mentioned  in  comedy. 

"  Mycenae  was  destroyed  467.  But  the  cities  of  the  heroic  age  are  ever  present 
to  the  poet — and  this  avoidance  must  have  been  intentional. 

^^  Vit.  Anon,     ovrca  <i>L\aBr)vaio%  fiv     ,     .     .     .     . 

^Wed.  Col.  670. 


LOCAL  ATTACHMENT  IN  DEME  AND  STATE  3 

praised  and  in  one  of  the  choruses  its  natural  beauties  are  de- 
scribed.i^  Athena  and  Poseidon  figure  in  the  play,  but  Athena  is 
here  Athena  Hippia;  Poseidon,  Poseidon  Hippios. 

Euripides  also  shows,  in  his  patriotism,  the  same  twofold  attach- 
ment. Salamis  was  his  birthplace,  and  his  poetry  celebrates  the 
island  and  its  heroes.^^  But  he  is  chiefly  an  Athenian.  One  of  his 
plays^^  has  to  do  with  the  Attic  tribes,  and  the  cult  of  Artemis  at  Halae. 
Brauron  is  honored  in  a  second,^^  and  the  Herakles  cult  of  the 
Tetrapolis  and  the  Demeter  cult  of  Eleusis  are  prominent  in  two 
others. ^^  Sparta  is  tabooed  just  as  in  Aeschylus.  And  Argos  is 
glorified — some  of  the  heroes  are  even  taken  away  from  the  Dorian 
cities  and  made  into  Argives.  This  was  the  other  side  of  philochoria. 
You  love  your  own  land,  you  hate  your  enemy's.  If  a  man  is  of 
another  country  that  in  itself  is  a  casus  belli.  It  is  due  to  local 
jealousy.  In  an  oration  of  Demosthenes^^  this  is  appealed  to  in 
conjunction  with  local  attachment,  the  orator  urging  the  Athenians 
in  this  speech  not  to  degrade  their  citizenship  by  conferring  it  upon 
Aristokrates. 

It  was  among  the  Athenians  that  the  feeling  of  local  attachment 
reached  its  highest  form;  to  them  the  larger  vision  came.^^  And 
the  other  Hellenes  were  aware  of  this.  The  Corinthian  envoys  to 
Lacedaemon  in  432,  just  before  the  outbreak  of  the  Peloponnesian 
war,  held  up  the  Athenians  to  the  Spartans  as  models  in  this  res- 
pect.^°  But  this  larger  patriotism  quickly  falls  away,  unless  it  has 
the  simpler  as  its  foundation.  It  was  not  without  some  political 
insight  that  Aristophanes  represents  in  his  Acharnians  the  ab- 
surdity that  arises  when  the  two  affections  are  opposed  to  one 
another.    Dikaeopolis  is  so  homesick  for  his  deme^^  that  he  makes  a 

"  Oed.  Col.  1070.    Cf .  Pausanias,  I,  30. 

"  Euripides:  Troad.  801,  1086.    Hel  88,  150.    I  ph.  in  Aulis  194,  288. 
15/ow.  1528ff. 

"  I  ph.  in  Tauris  1453,  1462. 
^^  Herakleidai  and  Suppliants. 
isDem.  XXIII,  211-214. 

^^  See  the  ode  on  the  glories  of  Athens  in  Euripides'  Medea  or  the  funeral  speech  of 
Perikles  as  reported  by  Thucydides. 

20  Thucyd.  I,  70. 

21  The  deme  was  XoXXeiSai.  Cf .  Ach.  406.  But  the  Schol.  on  34  says  he  was  a 
dr]n6TT]s  of  Acharnae.  There  is  no  necessity  for  assuming  any  such  thing,  or  that  he 
held  property  even  in  Acharnae.  The  Acharnians  merely  represent  the  war  party. 
The  Spartans  were  too  close  to  Acharnae — the  events  of  the  play  could  hardly  have 
been  imagined  as  occurring  there.  But  XoWetSai  was  an  urban  deme  some  distance 
from  the  city  walls  and  so  exposed  to  a  Spartan  raid — or  to  a  sally  from  the  city — 
in  which  the  Acharnians  were  shut  up. 


4  .  THE  DEMESMAN  IN  ATTIC  LIFE 

private  peace  with  the  Lacedaemonians  so  that  he  may  go  home 
and  Hve  there  undisturbed.  Proud  though  each  Athenian  might  be 
of  his  city  and  its  glory,  contented  as  he  might  be  with  the  empire 
which  brought  him  so  convenient  a  revenue,  still  the  nearest  if  not 
the  first  object  of  his  love  was  the  deme  where  he  lived  or  with 
whose  members  he  was  associated.  The  deme  was  the  centre  of 
the  Athenian's  attachment  to  the  State  and  as  every  deme  repeated 
in  miniature  the  organization  of  the  City,  participation  in  its  privi- 
leges and  duties  was  for  every  demesman  a  preparation,  as  it  were, 
for  the  larger  political  activities  of  the  imperial  city. 


CHAPTER  II 

The  Deme  as  a  Political  Unit 

The  character  of  the  deme  in  its  capacity  as  a  political  unit  is 
due  to  the  fact  that  so  many  of  the  demes  were  once  village  com- 
munities as  to  have  given  them  all  the  stamp  of  that  type.  Where- 
ever  you  study  the  origins  of  an  Aryan  folk  you  will  find  the  village 
community  at  the  basis  of  its  social  organization.  And  here  the 
word  drjiJLos  itself  points  to  the  village  community.  In  Homer  it 
means  "Land"  and  "Folk";i  in  Attic  it  means  "Canton"  and 
"Community,"  or  "People,"  and  is  often  equivalent  to  Kojfirj.^  A 
brjfjLos  consisted  of  /cXrJpot,  the  shares  of  land  assigned  by  lot,  and  the 
social  history  of  KKrjpos  parallels  the  political  history  of  drjuos.^ 

The  double  aspect  of  the  village  community  reflects  itself  in 
the  character  which  has  already  been  given  to  the  philochoria  of  the 
Hellenes.  There  is  a  rehgious  and  secular  side.  The  village  com- 
munity consists  of  a  group  of  families  united  by  the  assumption  of 
a  common  kinship,  and  of  a  company  of  persons  exercising  a  joint 
sovereignty  over  land.^  It  is  a  form  particularly  adapted  to  coloni- 
zation.^ When  such  a  group  under  its  hereditary  chieftain  takes 
possession  of  any  land,  this  land  can  become  private  property  only 
by  the  leader's  making  a  division  of  the  arable  land  and  assigning 
it  to  his  followers  according  to  prowess,  dignity  or  lot.  In  Attica 
the  poverty  of  the  soil  or  rather  the  lack  of  any  large,  continuous 
territory  tended  to  hold  the  various  httle  groups  apart;  when  a  val- 
ley filled  up,  a  colony  would  be  sent  out,  as  often  as  not  by  sea. 
It  is  easier  to  rule  a  large  number  of  men  than  a  small  number; 
in  the  former  case  the  chieftain  can  become  intimate  to  only  a  few; 
in  the  second,  the  smaller  the  group  the  more  each  member  of  it 
feels  his  own  importance.  This  is  why  democracy  can  develop  so 
much  more  rapidly  in  small  and  isolated  communities,  where  the 
necessity  for  the  centralization  of  power  is  not  so  evident.  Wher- 
ever large  groups  of  men  have  lived  in  close  association  there  has 

Uliad  III,  50,  V.  710.  XVI,  437.    Od.  I,  103.  XIII,  266,  322.  XXIV,  12. 

2  Isocr.  VII.  46. 

'  Mangold  in  Curtius  Studien  VI,  404.  Boisacq.  Diet.  Etym.  de  la  langue  Grecque, 
s.  V.  ArjfjLos.    L.  Meyer,  Handhuch  der  Griech.  Etym.  1,  233. 

*  Maine:  Village  Communities,  p.  10. 

5  Wallace:  Russia,  c.  VI,  p.  107-126.  Earle:  Land  Charters  and  Saxonic  Docu- 
ments, Introd.  xlix.    Tacitus:  Germania  c.  36. 


O  THE  DEMESMAN  IN  ATTIC  LIFE 

been  a  rapid  and  irresistible  trend  towards  monarchy.  But  in  such 
a  community  as  might  settle  in  some  valley  plain  of  Attica  it  is 
reasonable  to  suppose  that  when  the  land  came  to  be  distributed, 
the  fighting  men  of  the  group  would  not  be  neglected  and  a  more 
equitable  distribution^  would  be  made,  though  the  chieftain  might 
reserve  the  best  for  himself  and  a  part  of  the  pubHc  domain  would 
be  given  to  the  ancestral  god. 

The  village  community  when  it  first  appears  presents  four  char- 
acteristics; 1)  kinship;  2)  government  by  a  council;  3)  land  held  in 
common;  and  4)  a  common  worship.^  In  its  initial  development 
the  first  and  last  are  important,  but  as  the  influence  of  kinship 
decHnes  as  a  principle  in  social  organization  before  that  of  geo- 
graphy the  second  and  third  receive  greater  emphasis.  In  the  Attic 
deme  is  shown  a  stage  in  this  transition  towards  the  geographical 
organization  of  society  but  all  the  early  characteristics  of  the  vil- 
lage community  remain. 

1 .  There  is  the  fiction  of  kinship  maintained  by  a  general  group. 

2.  The  government  is  by  an  assembly  (ayopa),  and  by  a  head- 
man or  drjfxapxos  one  of  whose  duties  is  to  see  that  no  boundaries 
are  transgressed,  i.  e.,  to  maintain  the  integrity  of  the  kKtjpol. 

3.  The  common  land  does  not  extend  to  all  the  lands  the 
Sr/juorat  own  but  there  are  some  lands  held  in  common,  the  deme 
treasury  is  administered  for  the  advantage  of  the  community,  resi- 
dents in  a  deme  of  which  they  are  not  members  are  taxed,  and  the 
deme  is  a  corporation  in  the  eyes  of  the  law. 

4.  There  is  a  common  cult.  Every  deme  has  its  hero  or  ances- 
tral god.    Attica  is  thus  full  of  holy  places. 

In  the  City  the  same  four  ideas  are  to  be  traced. 

1 .  Ion  was  the  mystical  ancestor. 

2.  The  government  rested  originally  with  the  /3aa-tXeus  and  the 
BovXr},  then  with  the  BovXr)  and  only  with  the  complete  democracy 
did  the  'EKKKrjaia  become  powerful. 

3.  The  theory  of  communal  ownership  remained.  Distribu- 
tions to  the  public  were  not  uncommon,  such  as  the  OecopLKov,  which 
has  a  communal  basis. 

'  From  the  same  root  as  vkfjua,  which  means  to  distribute,  and  especially  to  dis- 
tribute land  for  pasturing  cattle,  comes  vofios,  which  in  Attic  means  law,  human  and 
secular  law  as  opposed  to  dtfus.  Noiuos  is  the  "square  deal,"  the  "principle  of 
equity." 

7  W.  W.  Fowler :  The  City  State  of  the  Greeks  and  Romans,  p.  33. 


THE  DEME  AS  A  POLITICAL  UNIT  7 

4.  The  City  had  its  cult  in  the  worship  of  Athena,  Zeus  and 
Apollo.  That  other  gods  were  worshipped  as  of  almost  equal 
importance  only  goes  to  show  the  composite  character  of  the  popu- 
lation of  Attica. 

The  religious  side  of  local  attachment  appears  in  the  attempt 
which  the  village  community  made  to  extend  that  community  into 
the  world  of  the  dead.  It  was  natural  to  think  thus^  and  it  led 
to  some  curious  developments  which  will  be  taken  up  in  the  chapter 
on  the  deme  as  a  religious  center.  In  two  ways  this  affects  the 
pohtical  relation  between  the  deme  and  state.  The  deme  legends 
which  present  a  picture  sufficiently  confusing  have  all  felt  the  effect 
of  the  desire  of  the  Athenians  to  glorify  their  City.  In  the  case  of 
Homer  this  was  probably  at  the  expense  of  the  historical  renown  of 
some  of  the  demes.^  And  yet  the  deme  cults  were  objects  of  con- 
cern to  the  City  also,  as  well  as  every  private  cult,  to  see  that  they 
were  continued.  The  protection  of  the  gods  was  necessary  to  the 
prosperity  of  the  state  and  it  was  part  of  a  citizen's  patriotism  to 
assist  in  making  this  a  certainty.  The  Hellenes  believed,  therefore, 
that  the  State  grew  up  out  of  the  family;  for  they  found  in  the 
organization  of  the  family,  the  clan,  the  deme,  the  city,  analogous 
institutions.  Thus  Aristotle  writes :^°  "That  society  which  nature 
has  established  for  daily  support  is  a  household  (oIkos)  .  .  . 
But  the  society  of  many  households  for  mutual  and  lasting  advan- 
tage is  called  a  KojjjLr)^^  or  village,  naturally  composed  of  members  of 
one  family,  whom  some  call  dfjioyaKaKres  .  .  When  many  villages 
join  themselves  perfectly  together  into  one  society  that  society  is  a 
state." 

When  Attica  emerges  from  the  confusion  of  legend  and  myth 
into  history,  we  find  a  highly  organized  social  structure  built  on 
the  principle  just  quoted  from  Aristotle.  It  is  not  necessary  to  go 
into  the  past  which  lies  back  of  that  structure  much  farther  than 
Thucydides  has  done^^  j^  his  account  of  early  Attica,  in  order  to 

sRohde:  Psyche  I,  p.  5.  ff. 

9  See  Leaf's  note  on  Iliad  II,  552  (edition  of  1900). 

^"Aristotle:  Politics  i,  2,  6,  ff.  The  Greeks  believed,  then,  that  the  State  arose 
from  the  household,  developing  through  the  village  community.  Cf.  Elwood:  Soci- 
ology and  Modern  Social  Problems,  p.  98.  "We  must  reemphasize,  therefore,  the  fact 
that  the  family  is  the  central  institution  of  human  society,  that  industry  and  the  state 
must  subordinate  themselves  to  its  interest." 

^^  Pohlman:  Gesch.  d.  Soz.  Frage  u.  d.  Sozialismus  in  d.  Ant.  Welt,  I,  10. 

12  Thucyd.  I,  2. 


8  THE  DEMESMAN  IN  ATTIC  LIFE 

understand  it.  It  was  less  exposed  to  attacks  from  without,  he  said, 
and  so  retained  its  original  inhabitants.  Each  wave  that  swept 
down  the  Greek  peninsula  drove  refugees  into  Attica,  and  so  the 
population  is  composite,  ultimately  increasing  to  such  an  extent  as 
to  be  obliged  to  send  out  colonies  to  Ionia.  Now  that  last  is  the 
one  doubtful  point  about  his  explanation.  But  it  was  impera- 
tive to  account  for  the  lonians  in  some  way  and  they  chose  to  make 
Attica  rather  than  an  Ionian  Hellas  the  mother  country  of  the 
colonies  of  Asia  Minor  and  the  Islands. ^^ 

However  fascinating  the  early  history  of  Attica  and  its  inhabi- 
tants, especially  the  Pelasgians,  may  have  been^^  it  is  not  possible 
to  give  any  solution  of  the  many  questions  with  which  the  obscurity 
of  that  early  history  is  shrouded.  The  original  inhabitants  of 
Attica  were,  says  Herodotus,^^  the  Pelasgians.  And  remains  of  the 
Pelasgians  are  to  be  noted  in  the  chthonic  cults  in  Attica,  the  num- 
erous non-Hellenic  place  names,  the  traces  of  the  castle  and  houses 
on  the  Acropolis,  the  beehive  tombs  of  Menidi,  Thorikos,  Eleusis, 
the  remains  of  Spata,  Aphidna,  Brauron,^^  the  legends  of  the 
Amazons  and  the  traces  of  matriarchy  in  the  institutions  and 
language  of  Attica.^^ 

The  lonians  and  Pelasgians,  fused  into  a  composite  race,  formed 
the  population  of  Attica.  Two  other  waves  of  immigration,  or 
invasion,  the  Achaean  [this  is  the  story  of  Eurystheus.  They  were 
driven  back.  Strabo  IX,  p.  377]  and  perhaps  a  Dorian  [There  are 
Dorian  cults  in  Attica^^ — especially  in  the  Tetrapolis,  where  Hera- 

^3  It  is  probable  that  it  was  the  other  parts  of  Hellas  rather  than  Attica  which 
sent  out  lonians  to  Asia  Minor — Boeotia  for  instance. 

"  Ridgeway:  Early  Age  of  Greece,  p.  139. 

15  Hdt.  I,  57.    Cf.  T.  W.  Allen  in  Class.  Quarterly  3,  223. 

1"  Harrison,  Prolegomena  to  the  Study  oj  Greek  Religion,  p.  261;  "Of  the  many 
survivals  of  matriarchal  notions  in  Greek  mythology  one  salient  instance  may  be 
noted.  St.  Augustine,  telling  the  story  of  the  rivalry  between  Athena  and  Poseidon, 
says  that  the  contest  was  decided  by  the  vote  of  the  citizens,  both  men  and  women, 
for  it  was  the  custom  then  for  women  to  take  part  in  pubhc  affairs.  The  men  voted 
for  Poseidon,  the  women  for  Athena;  the  women  exceeded  the  men  by  one  and  Athena 
prevailed.  To  appease  the  wrath  of  Poseidon  the  men  inflicted  on  the  women  a 
triple  punishment,  they  were  to  lose  their  vote,  their  children  were  no  longer  to  be 
called  by  their  mother's  name  and  they  themselves  were  no  longer  to  be  called  after 
their  goddess,  Athenians."  See  St.  Augustine,  De  Civitate  Dei  xviii,  9.  The  ques- 
tion was  raised  by  Bachofen:  Das  Mutterrecht  (1861). 

"  Hall:  The  Oldest  Civilization  of  Greece,  p.  41.  And  Alcibiades  claimed  descent 
from  Eurysaces,  son  of  Herakles.    J.  H.  S.  V,  34.    Abbott,  Hist,  of  Greece  I,  280. 


THE  DEME  AS  A  POLITICAL  UNIT  9 

kles  was  a  chief  god.]  recoiled  upon  themselves.  There  were  many 
back  eddies  in  the  stream  of  these  migrations  and  the  early  inhabi- 
tants were  never  so  completely  subdued  as  the  Helots  in  Laconia, 
but  the  newcomers  rather  combined  with  them  on  more  equal  terms, 
adopting  freely  their  religious  and  social  institutions.  It  is  the  testi- 
mony of  both  Herodotus  and  Thucydides  that  the  historical  con- 
tinuity of  the  population  of  Attica  was  unbroken  by  either  Achaean 
or  Dorian  invasion.^^  The  patriarchal  principle  of  course  prevailed; 
but  traces  of  the  other  survive.^^ 

Whatever  may  have  been  the  earlier  history  of  Attica  the 
legends  seem  to  recognize  certain  geographical  divisions,  and  it  is 
along  the  old  lines  that  the  party  divisions  arise  after  the  unifi- 
cation of  the  country  and  the  centralization  of  power  at  Athens. 
The  demes  sink  from  any  political  importance,  except  as  members 
of  conflicting  leagues  in  the  legendary  period  of  Attic  history,  and 
it  is  only  with  the  organization  of  Cleisthenes  that  they  receive 
again  an  importance  commensurate  with  their  origin.  In  order  to 
break  up'  the  party  strife  of  the  people  of  Attica  the  state  is  to  be 
settled  upon  its  original  foundations?  Not  altogether.  The  geo- 
graphical or  local  principle  is  to  supplant  in  a  measure  the  gentile. 

Aristotle's  account  is  as  follows:  "Accordingly  when,  at  this  time, 
he  [i.  e.,  Cleisthenes]  found  himself  at  the  head  of  the  masses,  four 
years  after  the  expulsion  of  the  tyrants,  in  the  archonship  of  Isag- 
oras,  his  first  step  was  to  distribute  the  whole  population  into  ten 
tribes^*^  in  place  of  the  existing  four,  with  the  object  of  intermixing 
the  members  of  the  different  tribes,  so  that  every  person  might  have 
a  share  in  the  franchise.  From  this  arose  the  saying  ^do  not  look 
at  the  tribes,'  addressed  to  those  who  wished  to  scrutinize  the  list 
of  the  clans.21  Next  he  made  the  Council  to  consist  of  five  hun- 
dred members  instead  of  four  hundred,  each  tribe  now  contributing 
fifty,  whereas  formerly  each  tribe  had  sent  a  hundred.  The  reason 
why  he  did  not  organize  the  people  into  twelve  tribes  was  that  he 
might  not  have  to  divide  them  according  to  the  already  existing 
trittyes;  for  the  four  tribes  had  twelve  trittyes;  so  that  he  would 
not  have  achieved  his  object  of  redistributing  the  population  in 

18  Ridgeway:  Early  Age  of  Greece,  p.  140,  Hdt.  I,  56,  58.  VIII,  44.  Thucyd.  1, 2. 
1^  Jane  Harrison:  Prolegomena,  pp.  262,  273.     Themis,  pp.  386,  498. 
20Botsford:  The  Athenian  Constitution  in  Cornell  Studies  IV,  197.     Francotte: 
La  Polis  Grecque,  p.  45. 

21  "Those  who  wished  to  find  out  about  a  man's  birth." 


10  THE  DEMESMAN  IN  ATTIC  LIFE 

fresh  combinations.  Further,  he  divided  the  country  by  demes 
into  thirty  parts,  ten  from  the  districts  about  the  city,  ten  from 
the  coast  and  ten  from  the  interior.  These  he  called  trittyes;  and  he 
assigned  three  of  them  by  lot  to  each  tribe  in  such  a  way  that  each 
should  have  one  portion  in  each  of  these  divisions.  All  who  Hved 
in  any  given  deme  he  declared  fellowdemesmen  to  the  end  that 
the  new  citizens  might  not  be  exposed  by  the  habitual  use  of  the 
family  names  but  that  men  might  be  known  by  the  names  of 
their  demes  and  accordingly  it  is  by  the  names  of  their  demes  that 
the  Athenians  speak  of  one  another.  He  also  instituted  demarchs 
who  had  the  same  duties  as  the  previously  existing  Naucrari  —  the 
demes  being  made  to  take  the  place  of  the  naucraries.  He  gave 
names  to  the  demes,  some  from  the  persons  who  founded  them 
since  some  of  them  no  longer  corresponded  to  localities  possessing 
names  c 

"On  the  other  hand  he  allowed  everyone  to  retain  his  family 
and  clan  and  religious  cult  according  to  ancestral  custom.  The 
names  given  to  the  tribes  were  the  ten  which  the  Pythia  ap- 
pointed out  of  the  hundred  selected  national  heroes." 

"By  these  reforms  the  constitution  became  more  democratic 
than  that  of  Solon  ...  In  the  archonship  of  Telesimus  they, 
for  the  first  time  since  the  tyranny,  elected  the  nine  Archons  by  lot 
out  of  the  five  hundred  candidates  selected  by  the  demes,  all  the 
earlier  ones  having  been  elected  by  vote."^^ 

The  unit  of  the  State  is  to  be  no  longer  the  yevos  but  the  StJ/xos. 
In  the  yevos  the  religious  principle  prevails,  blood  determines  status; 
in  the  dijfios  the  power  of  wealth  owned  by  plebeians  can  make  itself 
felt. 

Herodotus  sums  up  the  situation  with  a  little  more  emphasis 
on  rd  yivri'P  "The  power  of  Athens  had  been  great  before  but  now 
that  the  tyrants  were  gone  it  became  greater  than  ever.  The  chief 
authority  was  lodged  with  two  persons,  Cleisthenes  of  the  family 
of  the  Alcmaeonids,  who  is  said  to  have  been  the  persuader  of  the 
Pythoness,  and  Isagoras,  the  son  of  Tisander,  who  belonged  to  a  no- 
ble house  but  whose  pedigree  I  am  not  able  to  trace  further.  How- 
beit  his  kinsmen  offer  sacrifices  to  the  Carian  Jupiter.  These  two 
men  strove  together  for  the  mastery  and  Cleisthenes,  finding  himself 
the  weaker  called  to  his  aid  the  common  people.   Hereupon,  instead 

22  Aristotle:  'kd.  ttoX.  21  and  part  of  22.    Kenyon's  translation,  1891,  pp.  37-41. 
^  Hdt.  V,  66.    Rawlinson's  translation. 


THE  DEME  AS  A  POLITICAL  UNIT  11 

of  the  four  tribes  among  which  the  Athenians  had  been  divided 
hitherto,  Cleisthenes  made  ten  tribes  and  parcelled  out  the  Athen- 
ians among  them.  He  likewise  changed  the  names  of  the  tribes; 
for  whereas  they  had  till  now  been  called  after  Geleon,  Aegicores, 
Argades  and  Hoples,  the  four  sons  of  Ion,  Cleisthenes  set  these 
names  aside  and  called  his  tribes  after  certain  other  heroes,  all  of 
whom  were  native  except  Ajax.  Ajax  was  associated  because, 
although  a  foreigner,  he  was  a  neighbor  and  an  ally  of  Athens. 
.  .  .  Cleisthenes  .  .  .,  having  brought  entirely  over  to  his 
own  side  the  conamon  people  of  Athens  whom  he  had  before  dis- 
dained gave  all  the  tribes  new  names  and  made  the  number  greater 
than  formerly:  instead  of  the  four  Phylarchs  he  established  ten. 
He  likewise  placed  tendemes  in  each  of  the  tribes;  and  he  was,  now 
that  the  common  people  took  his  part,  very  much  more  powerful 
than  his  adversaries. "^^ 

The  political  importance  of  the  gentile  cults  was  a  thing  of  the 
past.  The  cults  continued  but  participation  in  a  yevos  was  no 
longer  a  requisite  to  citizenship.  The  tide  towards  democracy  had 
set  in. 

Thus  the  Alcmaeonidae  brought  in  the  demes  to  help  them 
against  a  rival  ylvos — and  what  was  to  be  the  price?  Equality  in 
the  courts  comes  first — that  the  people  had  already.  It  was  no 
new  thing  and  by  now  attendance  was  rather  lax.  Political  equality 
and  a  sort  of  participation  in  the  public  cults  must  consequently 
be  given  to  the  commons.  In  its  locality  each  old  yevos  had  been 
supreme,  for  as  a  rule  the  units  of  the  state  had  coincided  with 
districts  controlled  by  the  established  cult  organizations  which  were 
based  on  the  tie  of  blood.  Consequently  the  franchise  was  ex- 
tended, the  phratries  were  rearranged,  and  the  importance  of  locali- 
ties shifted.  Before  Cleisthenes  family  and  locality  had  been  com- 
mensurable. 

Old  Style:-  Before  Cleisthenes — 
Kinship 

4     (})v\ai 
12     cfyparpiaL 
30     yevrj 
?     oIkol 

24  Hdt.  V,  69.    See  chapter  vii,  note  48. 

25  Loeper:  Die  Demen  und  Trittyen  Attikas.    A.  M.  XVII,  319-433. 


Territorial 

4     0uXat 
12     rpLTTves^^ 

48 

? 

vavKpapiaL 
K\rjpoL 

12  THE  DEMESMAN  IN  ATTIC  LIFE 

The  yevos  originally  occupied  a  definite  territory  (5?7/xos)  and  lived 
in  a  KioixT).  For  defense  or  aggression  only  adjacent  yivr]  could  com- 
bine. Thus  the  phratries  were  modeled  after  the  yevr)  but  on 
a  larger  scale  with  common  cult  and  common  ancestor.  The 
phylae  would  be  the  link  between  the  phratries  and  the  State  and 
would  only  seem  to  be  like  the  others.  They  would  be  changed 
with  pretty  nearly  every  reorganization  of  the  constitution.  The 
eponymi  of  the  four  tribes  were  the  four  sons  of  Ion — but  if  there 
is  fact  back  of  the  tradition  nobody  knows  what  it  is.  The  tribe 
was  wholly  an  artificial  body  long  before  Cleisthenes.  He  could 
change  it  as  he  liked,  it  would  make  little  difference.  But  the 
phratries  and  yevrj  which  were  associated  in  the  common  worship  of 
deified  ancestors  were  in  their  religious  and  secular  association  so 
combined  as  to  be  highly  disadvantageous  to  the  political  prospects 
of  the  new  faction  of  the  shore  in  whose  ranks  were  many  plebeians 
and  which  naturally  inclined  to  rest,  on  wealth  rather  than  blood, 
all  claims  to  privilege  in  the  State.  So  Cleisthenes  did  not  simply 
break  up  the  factions;  his  reorganization  of  the  constitution  made 
his  own  faction  supreme.  The  Eupatrids  of  the  shore  demes  were 
wise  enough  to  throw  in  their  lot  with  the  democracy. 

In  the  new  system  the  tribes  were  ten,  the  naucraries  fifty,  the 
trittyes^^  thirty — for  here  the  new  system  bites  into  the  old.  Each 
of  the  old  factional  districts  was  broken  up  into  ten  parts,  which  were 
called  trittyes,  and  then  the  phyle  was  made  up  of  three  of  these 
parts,  one  from  each  district.  There  the  importance  of  the  trittyes 
might  well  have  rested  except  that  their  subdivisions,  the  demes, 
were  given  a  place  in  the  scheme  which  made  them  its  chief  support. 
Citizenship  was  made  to  depend  on  registration  in  the  deme.  The 
clan  registration  was  retained  but  its  importance  largely  restricted 
to  the  religious  side.  Church  and  State  were  separated;  for  admin- 
istrative— political — purposes,  only  the  deme  was  recognized  by  the 
State.  Everyone  who  could,  hov/ever,  kept  his  name  on  the  roll 
of  the  clans.  It  was  a  social  distinction  only,  of  a  fast  disappearing 
consequence. 

The  gentile  and  local  divisions  were  originally  commensurable 
because  out  of  the  local  community  of  several  famiHes  grew  their 
mythical  if  not  also  to  a  considerable  extent  their  actual  kinship. 
Through  this  community  of  blood  the  Hfe  of  the  clan  might  con- 

2"  The  Aeolic  form  rpiinrhs  brings  us  to  the  Latin  tribus.  Cf.  Dio  C.  Fr,  I,  1. 
Szanto  in  Hermes,  XXVII,  312-315. 


THE  DEME  AS  A  POLITICAL  UNIT  13 

tinue  undiminished,  for  the  dead  were  thought  to  return  in  the 
course  of  fate.^^  The  gentile  principle  is  not  done  away  with  in 
the  new  system  but  it  is  extended  to  a  wider  application — the  State 
takes  up  the  function  of  the  yepos  more  and  more.  But  the  old 
divisions  were  crystallizations  and  could  not  flow  into  the  forms  of 
the  new  system.  The  new  divisions  of  the  State  were  secular  in 
purpose,  administrative  and  territorial,  but  it  was  not  possible  to 
do  away  with  religious  sanction  and  so  the  fiction  of  kinship  was 
continued. 

New  Style:-  Arrangement  by  Cleisthenes — 


Kinship 
4     <l)v\al 
12     (f)paTpiaL 

Citizenship 
10     (^uXat 
?      (fyparpiaC^^ 

Territorial 

? 

100?     57?/xot 

30       TpLTTVeS 

48     vavKpapiai 

50     vavKpapiai 

The  family  of  Cleisthenes  was  on  better  terms  with  Apollo  than 
with  Poseidon  or  Demeter  or  Zeus.  The  old  system  had  the 
sanction  of  the  gods;  so  must  the  new.  It  was  quite  impossible  to 
slight  this  matter  of  kinship — real  or  mythical — in  any  social  organi- 
zation of  the  Hellenes.  The  mythical  bond  was  the  more  impor- 
tant— as  the  story  of  Orestes  indicates.  And  the  Athenians  could 
not  conceive  of  any  permanent  association  which  lacked  this  bond 
of  blood.  In  this  case  it  was  manifestly  beyond  the  power  of  mor- 
tals to  determine  for  these  ten  new  tribes  who  the  common  ances- 
tors might  be.  The  question  was  referred  to  the  Delphian  Apollo 
and  the  tribes  were  named  by  the  Oracle. 

The  new  system  gave  more  power  to  the  Shore^^  and  to  the  City 
for  there  were  now  city  demes  in  each  of  the  tribes  and  the  citizens 

2' The  repetition  of  a  man's  name  in  that  of  his  grandson  tends  to  keep  alive 
such  a  notion.    Famell:  Greece  and  Babylon,  p.  213. 

28  For  an  account  of  the  ^parptai  after  Cleisthenes  see  p.  17  ff . 

'^^Botsford:  Athenian  Constitution,  Cornell  Studies  IV,  p.  103. 

^^  In  thirteen  instances  different  tribes  have  demes  of  the  same  name.  If  it  is  a 
country  deme  it  is  assigned  to  a  different  tribe  {^iKbvva  V  and  VII,  KoXoj'is  II,  Olov 
AeKeKeiKdv  VIII,  OIoj'  KepaneiKov  IV)  in  most  cases;  if  a  democratic  deme  it  is  apt 
to  remain  in  the  same  tribe  (AafxirTpai,  three  demes  all  in  I,  Xlaiai'tA  two  demes  both 
in  III,  Uepyaari  two  demes  both  in  I,  so  with  UorauSs,  not  so  with  ^r}yala,  'AypyXij, 
and  'AyKvXT}).  Both  city  demes  keep  in  the  same  tribe.  Suppose  men  from  country 
demes  to  have  settled  in  the  city,  they  would  keep  their  feeling  of  local  attachment 
and  would  form  a  sort  of  club.    If  numerous  enough  they  could  be  made  into  a  new 


14  THE  DEMESMAN  IN  ATTIC  LIFE 

from  the  other  demes  did  not  always  come  up  to  Athens  to  exer- 
cise their  right  of  franchise.  Besides  this  new  citizens  were  admit- 
ted— resident  aliens  and  even  slaves.  New  phra tries  may  have 
been  formed  for  them^^  or  the  old  may  have  been  open  to  them; 
and  now  appear  new  cult  organizations  as  subdivisions  of  these  new 
phra  tries — viz.,  dlaaoi  and  opye&ves.^'^  To  avoid  that  invidious  dis- 
tinction of  blood  the  new  citizens  and  the  old  are  to  be  known  by 
their  deme-names  or  demotika.  LocaHty  determines  registration 
and  after  this  official  mention  of  the  citizen  introduces  him  with  his 
demotikon,  except  in  a  few  phratric  inscriptions  and  there,  too,  the 
demotikon  will  sometimes  force  itself.  The  four  old  tribes  were  not 
destroyed ;^^  they  still  continued  in  the  religious  life  of  the  people; 
but  through  the  new  ten  tribes  the  State  had  based  itself  upon  the 
local  divisions  of  the  country  and  the  demes  were  for  the  first  time 
officially  recognized  as  ^'the  granite  of  the  State.  "^^ 

deme,  keeping  the  old  name.  And  if  they  came  from  an  inland  deme  they  might  be 
put  in  a  different  tribe.  So  with  'EpotdSat  VIII  A  and  X  C,  Elrea  V  A  and  X  C, 
YioKwvridev  X  C  and  II  A.  "fia  or  "Oa  III  C  and  "O77  VI  A.  (In  this  note  the  Roman 
numerals  refer  to  the  official  hst  of  the  tribes,  C  =  Coast  and  A  =  City.) 

31  Francotte:  La  Polls  Grecgue,  p.  22,  24.  And  Ferguson  in  CI.  Phil.  1910,  p.  257; 
"The  phratries  remained  12  as  before,  cf.  the  law  of  Philochorus  (ca.  403  B.C.)  'that 
the  phrateres  should  admit  of  necessity  both  orgeones  and  homogalaktes,  whom  we  call 
gennetae.'  " 

32  Cf.  von  Premerstein  in  A.M.  1910,  103  f.,  Ferguson  in  CI.  Phil.,  1910,  Poland 
Gr.  Vereinswesen. 

33 1.  G.  Ill,  n.  2. 

3*Grote:  Hist.  Or.,  Ill,  91.  Hicks  and  Hill:  Greek  Historical  Inscriptions,  58, 
p.  99.     Cf .  C.  D.  Wright,  Outlines  of  Practical  Sociology  p.  94. 


CHAPTER  III 

The  Deme  as  a  Religious  Center 

The  political  dependence  of  the  Polis  on  the  demes  precedes  their 
reHgious  connection.  Many  of  the  demes  dated  their  first  begin- 
nings from  the  most  remote  antiquity,  the  recollection  of  their 
autonomy  was  retained  in  their  traditions,  and  they  clung  to  their 
religious  rites  and  their  holy  places.  These  could  not  be  moved  to 
the  city.  Artemis  had  her  precinct  on  the  Acropolis  but  really 
remained  at  Brauron,  Demeter  never  really  left  Eleusis,  and  the 
local  gods  and  heroes  did  not  in  every  case  change  their  chosen 
seats.  Thus  Attica  was  full  of  gods.  Laconia  alone  of  the  coun- 
tries of  Hellas  had  more  shrines  and  temples.^  To  the  Athenians 
this  seemed  an  excellent  state  of  affairs.  The  State  might  depend 
for  its  political  welfare  and  economic  prosperity  on  the  patriotism 
and  industry  of  its  citizens,  but  for  all  that  it  would  be  well  to  have 
the  favor  of  the  gods.  Geos  to  the  Hellene  was  almost  a  collective 
term.  It  was  the  unknown  power  of  the  unseen  world.  And  man 
had  a  relation  to  that  unseen  world,  a  bond  of  communion  with 
that  unseen  power.  Religion  means  a  bond  or  tie;  and  the  people 
to  maintain  this  relation  will  have  certain  religious  duties  to  per- 
form. What  more  natural  than  that  they  cooperate  to  obtain  the 
favor  of  the  gods  and  that  they  perform  as  a  community  those 
offices  which  are  to  secure  the  divine  favour?  Experience  has  been 
interpreted  to  show  that  it  is  unwise  to  vary  from  a  given  formula 
in  prayer  or  ritual  of  service.-  There  are  reasons  for  this  which  are 
practical  enough.  In  a  passage  of  Lysias  the  mind  of  the  ordinary 
Athenian  reveals  itself  on  this  point.  Their  ancestors,  says  the 
orator,  by  sacrificing  according  to  their  early  laws  had  made  the 
city  the  greatest  and  most  prosperous  of  all  the  cities  of  Hellas  so 
that  they  ought  themselves  to  offer  the  same  sacrifices  as  their  ances- 
tors if  for  no  other  reason  than  because  of  the  good  fortune  which 
has  followed  their  sacrifices. ^ 

According  to  the  interest  which  the  gods  take  in  human  affairs 
they  spoke  of  fortune  or  the  will  of  the  gods.  Both  ideas  they  had, 
and  the  State  ought  to  be  evSaincov  first  and  afterwards  evTvxvs. 
Men  who  risked  bringing  on  the  community  the  ill-will  of  the  gods, 

^  G.  B.  Hussey,  The  Distribution  of  Hellenic  Temples  in  A.  J.  A.  VI,  63. 
2  Lysias  XXX,  18. 


16  THE  DEMESMAN  IN  ATTIC  LIFE 

who  were  nuapol,  might  be  charged  with  impiety — and  such  charges 
were  frequent — so  that  the  patriotism  of  the  Athenian  could  find 
expression  in  a  deeper  deLaLdaifiovia  than  prevailed  in  the  rest  of 
Hellas.  All  over  Attica  the  gods  had  special  seats.  To  retain  their 
favour  lands  were  assigned  them,  altars  and  temples  set  up  to  their 
glory,  and  festivals  held  on  given  days  over  which  they  presided. 
So,  too,  with  the  heroes.  This  was  ancestor  worship,  the  community 
of  the  family  extended  into  the  other  world  as  the  ritual  shows.  The 
graves  of  the  heroes  on  Attic  soil  were  regarded  as  perpetual  safe- 
guards since  their  spirits  would  never  be  far  away.  The  deme  in 
which  any  great  hero  lay  buried  would  naturally  emphasize  his 
cult,  even  though  he  might  not  be  the  ancestral  hero.^  And  they 
did  not  depend  on  the  heroes  only;  every  local  hero  was  associated 
with  some  god.  These  heroes  were  only  earlier  inhabitants  of  the 
land,  the  notable  among  their  forefathers,  to  whom  acquaintance 
with  the  local  gods,  as  the  myths  relate,  had  given  a  semi-divine 
character.  It  was  only  to  be  expected  that  the  demes  should 
abound  in  the  most  flattering  traditions  of  past  greatness  in  which 
their  heroic  ancestors  tower  up  almost  equal  with  the  gods.  Some 
of  the  demes  went  back  to  kings  and  many  kings  have  been  canon- 
ized into  the  heroic  calendar.  But  some  of  the  greatest  names  were 
assigned  to  the  tribal  heroes;  these  were,  with  one  exception,  the 
names  of  Athenian  princes.  The  tribal  hero  was  more  important 
to  the  Polis  than  to  any  of  the  demes.  He  was  always  a  shadowy 
figure  of  far  less  consequence  than  a  local  divinity.  One  could 
appeal  to  him  in  a  deHberative  or  an  epideictic  speech  but  con- 
tracts were  not  sworn  to  upon  his  altar.^  The  deme  heroes  and 
their  cults  were  the  more  basic,  no  matter  how  grand  a  claim  upon 
his  patriotism  the  tribal  hero  might  make  to  the  citizen. 

Where  do  these  deme  heroes  come  from?  In  some  cases  the 
deme  is  named  after  some  family  or  'yevos.  The  family  had  its  gods, 
its  heroic  ancestors,  with  whom  it  continued  in  communion  through 
the  funeral  repast  which  was  offered  to  their  shades.  A  man  who 
founded  a  town  would  come  very  close  to  being  absorbed  mto  the 
cult  of  that  place  as  its  local  hero.     The  founding  of  a  city^  is  the 

^  Except  in  the  case  of  a  hostile  hero.  Thus  Eurystheus  was  buried  in  two  pieces, 
so  that  his  spirit  could  work  no  evil.  But  the  graves  of  Ion  at  Prasiae  and  of  Theseus 
at  Athens  were  not  so  regarded.    For  myths  of  the  deme,  see  Strabo  IX,  396. 

^Isaeus  II,  31. 

5  Cf.  Plato:  Laws  IV,  712  B.    Cf.  IV,  717. 


THE  DEME  AS  A  RELIGIOUS  CENTER  17 

establishment  of  a  community  between  the  clan  which  builds  the 
city  and  the  god  of  the  locality. 

The  Athenian  did  not  choose  his  gods.  They  were  his  by  family 
and  nativity.  Locality,  therefore,  practically  determined  religion, 
for  a  cult  once  established  clung  tenaciously  to  a  place.  It  might 
spread  over  more  territority,  but  the  first  family  would  exercise  a 
jealous  supervision  and  the  priesthood  would  be  the  last  privilege 
given  up.^ 

ReHgion  preserves  the  stages  of  its  entire  development.  Thus 
the  yevos  which  was  modeled  in  all  ways  after  the  family  was 
regarded  even  by  the  Hellenes  as  an  artificial  corporation.  It  could 
not,  however,  on  account  of  the  cult  which  was  a  public  good,  be 
resolved  again  into  its  elements.  And  it  occupied  a  definite  terri- 
tory, no  doubt,  since  so  many  places  are  only  the  names  of  yevyj. 
Attica  was  continually  receiving  accessions  of  population  from 
abroad.  If  these  newcomers  were  noble  they  could  establish  them- 
selves in  the  system  on  a  par  with  the  Athenian  nobles.  Later  on 
the  citizenship  was  more  jealously  guarded.  But  there  must  have 
been  many  men  in  a  yivos  who  did  not  share  the  privilege  of  full 
yevvrJTai.  The  yevos  does  not  admit  opyeojves  to  full  and  equal  rights 
and  the  real  yevvrJTai  call  themselves  o/jLoyaXaKTes.  But  noble  fami- 
lies died  out,  their  wealth  decreased;  the  non-nobles  rose  from  their 
misery,  some  grew  rich  in  their  turn.  The  prestige  of  the  yevvrJTaL 
in  the  phratry  was  enfeebled;  the  Biaaoi  grew  more  and  more  impor- 
tant and  finally  became  equal  to  the  yevrj.'^  In  the  phratry  there 
were  no  yevrj  but  the  yevvrJTai  were  distributed  in  the  diacroi  in 
groups  of  avyyeveXs  and  it  was  a  common  thing  for  the  members  of 
the  thiasoi  to  designate  themselves  phrateres.^ 

In  the  time  of  Isaeus  there  need  not  have  been  more  than  twelve 
phratries.  The  phrateres  are  as  well  acquainted  with  a  man  as  his 
drjuoTaL  and  are  even  more  useful  as  witnesses.  Such  intimacy  could 
hardly  arise  between  members  of  a  large  corporation:  but  a  man's 
phrateres  are  the  members  of  his  thiasos.  For  the  phratry  is  not 
commensurable  with  the  drj/xos  any  more  than  it  was  with  the  yevos. 
In  Demosthenes  XLIII,  13-14,  'Atj^Us  ej  Ol'ou,  Ev^ovMdrjs  e^  OlW 

^  Farnell:  Cults  of  the  Greek  States  III,  p.  130. 

'  Francotte:  La  Polls  Grecque,  p.  24. 

*  Poland:  Gr.  Vereinswesen  12  folw.  and  17  folw.  Ferguson  in  CI,  Phil.,  1910, 
257  f.  von  Premerstein  in  A.  M.,  1910,  103  f.  Wilamowitz:  Arist.  u.  Athen.  11,259. 
Francotte:  La  Polls  Grecque  p.  18  ff. 


18  THE  DEMESMAN  IN  ATTIC  LIFE 

GeoTTojuTTos  npo(77rdXrtos  and  MaKaparos  all  belonged  to  the  same 
phratry,  though  deme  and  tribe  were  different. 

At  the  head  of  the  yevos  stood  an  annually  changing  archon. 
This  shows  that  the  yevos  was  once  a  mihtary,  political  and  terri- 
torial unit.  Attica  is  thought  to  have  been  settled  by  yepr].  Phra- 
tries  were  leagues  determined  by  local  conditions  and  were  organized 
for  defence;  they  had  all  the  obligations  of  the  blood  relationship. 
The  phyle  is  an  organization  of  people  who  grew  up  in  the  same 
country  originally  and  who  become  conscious  of  their  relationship 
when  they  have  to  face  a  foreign  enemy.  From  its  military  impor- 
tance the  tribe  derives  its  territorial  and  administrative  import- 
tance.  It  was  by  (l)v\al  that  the  Athenians  met  the  world  outside; 
but  it  was  by  clans  and  demes  that  the  State  regulated  its  domestic 
affairs.  It  is  impossible  to  say  which  is  the  more  fundamental — 
yevos  or  dijjjLos.  But  it  is  easy  to  see  how  the  same  feeling  explains- 
them  both.  People  of  the  same  locaHty  soon  become  related.  The 
feeling  which  one  has  for  his  family  can  extend  in  a  lesser  degree 
to  his  clansmen  and  so  on  to  his  demesmen.  The  yevos  aims  at 
power,  military  and  social  prestige;  the  aim  of  the  drjfxos  is  wealth 
and  economic  security.  Although  the  system  of  Cleisthenes  was 
remarkably  flexible  and  gave  to  every  man  an  equal  chance,  these 
two  wants  continued.  Now  a  social  institution  is  capable  of  organic 
development  only  in  so  far  as  its  characteristic  principles  are  capable 
of  being  modified  to  meet  the  demands  made  by  the  more  extended 
application  required  of  them.  And  two  things  began  to  affect 
Athenian  life  very  seriously.  One  was  the  distress  occasioned  by 
the  Peloponnesian  War,  the  other  the  confusion  in  the  demes 
brought  on  by  the  invasion  of  metics  and  slaves  and  by  the  shift  of 
population  to  the  city.  It  is  no  wonder  that  they  began  to  lose 
faith  in  the  established  cults;  their  gods  had  not  protected  them  in 
these  new  trials. 

The  y&os  and  the  drjuos  rested  upon  an  earHer  age;  the  new  con- 
ditions demand  new  corporations.  Thus  the  diaaos  succeeds  the 
yevos  and  the  epavosy  the  StJjuos.  And  the  oligarchs  to  whom  power 
was  an  object  could  not  use  the  Oiaaos,^  which  was  a  mere  cult 
organization,  but  fell  back  upon  the  eraipta.  Fashion  had  it  that 
every  corporation  should  have  its  protecting  deity  and  here  is 
where  the  eratp tat  were  exposed  to  a  charge  of  impiety  by  the  demo- 

8  Roberts-Gardner  II,  no.  84, 1.  96,  a  diaaos  appeals  to  the  phratry.  The  inscrip- 
tion indicates  that  a  group  was  held  responsible  for  its  members. 


THE  DEME  AS  A  RELIGIOUS  CENTER  19 

crats.  No  such  charge  could  be  made  against  the  demesmen.  The 
local  hero  was  too  good  an  investment.  It  is  curious  that  through 
the  relations  of  a  hero  and  his  deme  should  run  this  same  double 
thread,  that  he  should  have  a  business  value  as  well  as  a  religious 
one. 

The  local  hero  would  be  a  help  in  trouble,  if  it  came  to  securing 
the  help  of  the  gods  in  war  or  to  avert  sickness  and  famine.  And  the 
Athenians  did  not  limit  themselves  to  native  heroes ;  they  imported 
them.  Thus  the  tombs  of  Eteocles  and  Polynices  were  seen  by 
Pausanias  at  Eleusis,^^  Oedipus  was  buried  at  Kolonos,  and  the  fact 
that  the  foreign  hero  might  have  an  actual  tomb  elsewhere  made 
little  difference.  Lang  calls  this  the  very  fanaticism  of  hero  wor- 
ship ;^^  but  such  imitations  were  utilitarian  in  their  aim. 

And  the  other  side  was  economic.  The  demes  had  their  holidays 
or  local  festivals.^2  xhis  meant  a  market,  if  the  festival  were  well 
attended.  A  festival  in  honor  of  a  hero  of  special  sanctity  would 
be  well  attended.  The  sacred  precincts  round  the  temples  could 
be  turned  over  to  the  visitors  and  they  could  pitch  their  tents — 
for  permanent  houses  could  not  be  built.  Such  festivals  were  a 
common  feature  of  Attic  life.^^  When  Pericles  planned  to  have 
the  people  of  the  demes  camp  out  inside  the  city  walls  during  the 
Lacedaemonian  invasion  he  relied  on  this  habit  of  the  Hellenes  of 
living  in  tents  during  their  festivals. ^^ 

loPaus.  I,  39,  2. 

"  A.  Lang:  The  World  of  Homer,  126. 

^^Haussoulier:  La  Vie  Municipale  en  Attique,  p.  162.  So  they  had  charge  of  the 
Thesmophoria  at  Cholargos.    Cf.  Rev.  Epigr.  1914.  II,  p.  80. 

^^Cf.  the  proverb  KarSinv  hpTTjs  vKofxev  Plato:  Gorg.  447A.  G.  O.  Berg: 
Metaphor  and  Comparison  in  the  Dialogues  of  Plato  (JHU  Diss.)  p.  34. 

i*Thucyd.  II,  17,  1:  52,  3;  T,  89,  3.  A.  J.  P.  XIII,  72.  For  festivals  celebrated 
in  the  demes  see  Schol.  on  Aristophanes  Acharnians  693. 


CHAPTER  IV 

The  Deme  as  a  Trade  Center 

The  first  thing  Dikaeopolis  did  after  concluding  his  celebrated 
peace  with  the  Lacedaemonians  was  to  set  up  a  market.  He  knew 
whom  he  would  admit  to  that  market  and  whom  he  would  exclude. 
He  stood  upon  his  rights.  There  was  an  agora  in  every  town. 
The  marketplace  is  the  sacred  precinct  of  democracy.  But  when 
the  demes  became  a  part  of  the  new  constitution,  there  were  many 
which  were  not  towns  but  wards.  Thus  Brauron  had  two — Phil- 
aedae  and  Kydantidae — and  the  city  demes  depended  on  the  city 
market.^    On  the  other  hand  Peiraeus  had  two  markets. 

A  market  is  no  longer  an  essential  attribute  of  the  deme  as  it  is 
of  the  town.  And  the  town  keeps  on  growing  until  in  some  cases 
it  overshadows  the  local  deme.  This  was  true  of  several  of  the 
shore  demes  but  especially  true  of  the  Peiraeus.^ 

Also  the  demes  it  is  thus  seen  cannot  be  trade  centers.  Only 
those  which  occupy  locations  favorable  to  commercial  activities  can 
become  such.  One  pre-requisite  for  such  a  town  is  that  it  can  be 
easily  defended  and  the  earHer  the  period  in  which  it  is  estabHshed 
the  more  imperative  is  such  a  requirement.  For  security  is  neces- 
sary to  commercial  development.  Thus  the  cult  organizations 
and  religious  leagues  of  the  little  towns  were  too  convenient  to 
be  given  up.  They  meant  peace.  Peace  meant  a  market — in  fact, 
just  as  it  did  in  the  fancy  of  DikaeopoUs. 

Thucydides  tells  how  Attica  in  the  early  days  could  not  support 
a  population  constantly  increased  by  immigration  and  so  had  to 
send  out  colonies.  The  general  observation  is  true.  An  agricul- 
tural state  cannot  support  its  population  after  that  population  has 
reached  a  certain  figure.  But  a  manufacturing  state  can.  Solon 
encouraged  the  trades  and  thus  Attica  could  support  a  larger  popu- 
lation than  before.  Manufacturers  must  have  a  market.  The 
home  market  was  not  sufficient.  Consequently  the  Athenians 
looked  to  the  sea.     The  mercantile  class  began  to  grow  in  power. 

^  Athens  had  practically  two  kyopai.    Aristotle,  Politics  VII,  12,  recommends 
two,  one  for  trade  and  one  for  politics  as  in  Thessaly. 
2  Also  Eleusis  and  Rhamnus. 


THE  DEME  AS  A  TRADE  CENTER  21 

A  military  aristocracy  fixes  upon  blood  to  determine  social  status 
but  in  the  commercial  community  wealth  takes  the  place  of  blood. 
In  Corinth  it  had  done  so  already  and  so  it  was  to  do  in  Attica. 
But  as  Attica  is  a  larger  territory  the  resistance  to  such  a  change 
is  longer  maintained.  There  arises  between  the  inland  demes  and 
the  shore  demes  a  distinction,  which  is  certain  to  manifest  itself 
in  political  rivalry. 

Chief  among  the  demes  in  wealth  ranked  Kydathenaeon,^  Kera- 
meikos,  Meht^,  Kollytos  and  Skambonidae/  which  were  inhabited 
by  many  citizens  from  country  demes  who  paid  the  eyKTrjTLKov.  Of 
the  country  demes  Acharnae  was  the  largest.^  Paeania,  Alopeke, 
Anaphlystos,  Aphidna,  Aixone,  Kephisia,  Pallene  and  Marathon 
were  large  demes^  but  the  rest  of  the  demes  did  not  number  more 
than  fifty  demesmen  or  so.^ 

The  inland  demes  were  controlled  by  an  aristocracy  of  blood  with 
a  military  organization;  their  centralization  in  the  city  secured  the 
ascendancy  of  their  principle  for  a  long  time — ^until,  in  fact,  a  shore 
deme  rivaled  the  city  itself.^  For  in  the  economic  race  the  inland 
demes  were  at  a  serious  disadvantage  and  fell  behind  the  shore 
demes;  this  disadvantage  was  the  miserable  roads  of  Attica.  A 
road  is  man's  way  of  overcoming  geography  and  the  first  road  of 
all  is  the  sea.  Trade  found  that  road  from  the  first.  It  could  be 
used  for  connecting  the  markets  of  Attica  with  those  of  other  coun- 
tries or  those  of  the  demes  with  one  another.  By  their  location 
the  country  demes  were  cut  off  from  this  avenue  to  wealth  and 
power — the  tide  to  the  city  set  in.  It  was  thus  the  sea  which  de- 
cided the  character  of  the  Athenians,  making  first  the  shore  demes 
democratic.  For  these  were  the  homes  of  merchants  and  sailors 
and  artisans  whereas  the  uplands  remained  aristocratic  —  inhabited 
by  noble  families  with  their  serfs  and  slaves.      When  the  city  be- 

3  The  importance  of  the  deme,  Kydathenaeon,  can  be  explained  by  the  fact  that 
it  was  the  only  city  deme  of  its  tribe.    Loeper  in  A.  M.  XVII,  366. 

*  Wilamowitz  in  Hermes  XXII,  120. 

5  Thuc.  II,  19.  Cf.  I  G  II.  868.  In  the  fourth  century  the  tribe  Ohrjis  had 
50  fiov\evTai,  22  of  them  coming  from  the  deme  'kxapval. 

« Dem.  LVII,  57. 

^  B.  C.  H.  XIII,  349.  I  G  II.  578.  In  Myrrhinus  30  made  a  quorum  in  the 
deme  assembly;  Halimus  had  only  73-80  demesmen.  This  at  the  beginning  of  the 
fourth  century. 

^  Andocides  II,  21,  shows  how  the  Athenians  came  to  depend  on  the  Peiraeus  for 
much  of  their  food  supply.     Cf.  Dem.  xx,  31. 


22  THE  DEMESMAN  IN  ATTIC  LIFE 

comes  the  center  of  Attic  life  the  Athenians  for  the  most  part 
have  country  homes.  These  they  keep  as  far  as  possible  but  each 
family  aims  to  have  also  a  house  in  town.^  At  the  beginning  of 
the  fourth  century  there  were  in  Athens  more  than  ten  thousand 
houses,  the  number  of  citizens  being  something  like  twenty  thou- 
sand.io  All  these  were  of  course  not  homes.  Many  were  stores  or 
workshops  or  were  rented  to  metics.  But  after  every  allowance 
has  been  made  it  still  appears  that  very  nearly  every  family  could 
have  a  house  to  itself.  Houses  were  cheap  and  simplicity  the  rule 
in  architecture.^^  The  city,  therefore,  became  the  arena  in  which 
the  country  and  the  shore  were  to  contend  for  poHtical  supremacy. 
Cleisthenes  broke  up  local  faction,  gave  to  his  own  party  the  cer- 
tain ascendancy,  but  was  not  able  to  change  the  geography  of 
Attica,  so  that  the  same  influences  continued  in  operation  tending 
inevitably  towards  similar  results.  But  from  merely  local  rival- 
ries it  became  a  division  as  in  other  Hellenic  states  between  two 
social  principles — blood  and  wealth.  To  secure  for  itself  the  power 
of  numbers  wealth  makes  the  State  a  democracy,  striking  an  alli- 
ance with  poverty  itself  which  leads  ultimately  to  the  tyranny  of 
the  Demos  and  the  downfall  of  the  State.^^ 

In  summarizing  Athenian  history  one  sees  how  the  aristocratic 
influences  are  first  supreme  at  Athens  and  that  the  shore  demes 
concentrate  their  forces  at  the  Peiraeus.  When  the  democracy 
rules  the  city  a  new  factor  arises,  the  Proletariat,  and  the  balance 
of  power  reverts  to  the  city,  but  it  is  a  different  city.  In  the  divi- 
sion into  ol  iv  aarei  and  ol  h  UupaUcos,  the  City  becomes  the  Con- 
servative Party;  in  the  new  division  between  the  City  and  ol  drjfxoL 
the  country  demes  are  the  conservative  element.  Without  them 
Athens  would  have  been  more  like  Corinth.  But  the  country 
demes,  strictly  speaking,  never  had  any  political  leader.  They  had 
instead  Aristophanes,  a  comic  poet. 

The  twofold  character  of  the  deme  has  been  demonstrated  and 
its  functions  in  Attic  life  sufficiently  indicated;  the  functions  of  the 
demesman  in  Athenian  society  reflected  in  Aristophanes,  Plato  and 
the  Orators  show  the  same  twofold  character.  As  a  kinsman  or  as 
a  neighbor  having  an  interest  in  the  same  locality — thus  he  figures. 

'Plato:  Laws,  745. 

^°  Biichsenschutz :  Besitz  und  Erwerb  in  Griech.  Altertum,  p.  76. 

"  Biichsenschutz:  Besitz  und  Erwerb  im  Griechischen  AUerthum,  p.  76. 

12  Diimmler:  Kleine  Schriften  II,  S.  424. 


THE  DEME  AS  A  TRADE  CENTER  23 

As  a  kinsman  he  is  a  friend;  as  a  neighbor  he  is  not  such  the  moment 
there  arises  a  conflict  of  interests.  But  as  a  demesman  he  com- 
bines the  two  relations  and  to  this  is  due  the  soHdarity  of  the  deme 
which  comes  out  so  clearly  in  all  the  activities  of  the  demesmen. 


CHAPTER  V 

The  Demesman  in  Drama 

Aristophanes  belonged  to  the  city  deme  KvdaOrjvaiov  of  the  tribe 
UavdiOPLs.^  The  question  is  raised  as  to  whether  he  was  citizen- 
born  or  attained  to  citizenship  by  a  decree  of  naturaHzation.^  The 
impression  given  by  the  plays  themselves  makes  it  seem  highly 
unlikely  that  he  could  have  been  other  than  an  Athenian  of  Athenian 
ancestry.  His  parents  had  gone  out  to  Aegina  with  a  cleruchy 
and  the  youth  of  the  poet  was  thus  spent  on  a  httle  landed  estate 
among  just  such  sturdy  yeomen  as  he  describes  in  his  comedies; 
Dikaeopohs  of  Cholleidae,  Trygaeus  of  Athmonon,  Strepsiades  of 
Kikynna,  Euelpides  of  Krioa,  Strymodoros  of  Konthyle,  Chabes  of 
Phyle,  Chaerophon  of  Sphettos  are  all  from  the  country  demes  and 
some  of  them  are  too  human,  too  individual  to  be  wholly  fictitious 
characters.  The  poet  is  using  men  whom  he  knows  very  well  indeed 
to  give  life  to  the  characters  he  puts  upon  the  stage. 

But  the  demes  and  the  Kfe  which  they  knew  gave  the  poet  some- 
thing more  than  types  for  his  characters  and  names  to  use  in  witty 
allusion,  or  possibly  in  a  more  patriotic  vein.  In  his  pohtical  views 
appears  very  clearly  the  predominant  influence  of  locality.  Aristo- 
phanes is  a  democrat,  yet  not  an  extremist;  he  dislikes  the  oligarchs 
and  distrusts  them,  but  the  demagogues  he  distrusts  and  despises. 
If  it  has  seemed  to  some  rather  difficult  to  construct  from  the  eleven 
plays  we  have  a  complete  system  of  politics,  a  democratic  constitu- 
tion as  it  were,  there  is  nothing  strange  in  that.  The  country  demes 
had  not  yet  reached  a  political  self-reaHzation  to  the  same  degree 
as  the  Shore  and  Peiraeus.  Had  they  found  a  spokesman  in  the 
Boi;Xt7  or  the  'EKKKrjaia  as  they  did  in  the  theatre  and  made  them- 
selves really  felt  in  the  councils  of  the  State,  Athens  might  have 
been  by  much  the  gainer.  Their  poet  could  express  their  feehngs, 
might  even  give  utterance  to  a  few  of  their  principles  in  his  scorn 
of  demagogues,  his  ridicule  of  oHgarchs.  But  a  play  even  though 
it  may  win  the  first  prize  at  a  public  festival  is  not  poUtically  so 

1  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  for  the  Athenians  tragedy  began  in  Icaria  with 
Thespis  and  comedy  with  Susarion,  Chionides  and  Magnes.  The  demes  of  the  great 
tragic  poets  he  outside  the  city;  but  comedy  must  seek  the  town,  the  focus  of  life 
where  it  can  study  human  types.  Aristophanes  was  not  the  only  comic  poet  to  come 
from  KvSa6i}vaL0P. 

2  Croiset:  Aristophanes  and  the  Political  Parties  at  Athens,  pp.  8-10. 


THE  DEMESMAN  IN  DRAMA  25 

effective  as  a  ypa4>r)  wapapofxcop.  It  may  for  all  that  give  an  ampler 
and  truer  picture  of  Attic  life.  Thus  in  the  Achamians  the  func- 
tions of  the  demesmen  are  mostly  set  forth. 

It  was  not  a  new  thing  to  name  a  play  after  a  deme.^    EupoHs 
wrote  a  play  called  Arjfxoi  which  probably  meant  the  country  demes;* 
and  Aristophanes  has  thus  honored  the  largest  of   the    demes, 
Acharnae,  which  was  in  view  of  the  city  up  towards  Parnes.     A 
country  deme,  the  Acharnians  were  opposed  to  the  poHcy  of  Peri- 
cles which  kept  them  tented  in  the  city.     They  might  be  supposed 
to  favor  a  more  active  poKcy.     The  hero  of  the  play,  old  Dikaeopo- 
lis,  is  true  to  his  local  attachment,  his  philochoria.     The  discontent 
of  the  country  demesmen^  at  the  desolation  of  their  deme  is  expressed 
by  Dikaeopolis  in  the  opening  lines  of  the  play.     With  some  insight 
into  the  character  of  the  country  Aristophanes  has  him  get  to  the 
Assembly  long  before  time  for  the  session  to  begin. 
cLTro^Xeiroiv  is  tov  aypbv  eipr)V7]s  epccv, 
arvyccv  p,kv  aarv,  tov  b'eixbv  drjfjLov  toOQv, 
OS  ovdeTCOTTor'  elwev,  ixvSpaKas  irpio), 
ovK  o^os,  ovK  eXaLOV,  oW  fJSet  irpioi), 
dXX'  avTos  ecfyepe  iravTa  xw  irplcov  awTJv. 
vvv  ovv  arexvois  yjko}  TrapeaKevaafxePos 
^oav  vTOKpoveiv,  \oibopeiv  tovs  prjTopas 
eav  TLs  aXXo  ttXtjv  irepl  eiprjvrjs  Xcy??- 
As  nobody  does  speak  on  the  subject  of  peace  the  good  burgher 
makes  a  private  peace  with  the  Lacedaemonians.     It  is  too  late 
to  get  any  others  to  share  in  this.^    The  Acharnians  whose  deme 
has  already  been  laid  waste  by  Archidamus  and  his  army  are  bit- 
terly opposed.     They  stand  for  the  larger  patriotism  in  contrast 
to  the  short-sighted  philochoria  of  Dikaeopolis.     They  came  near 
catching  Amphitheos  who  brought  the  treaty  back  to  DikaeopoHs 
from  Sparta,  as  he  relates  to  the  old  yeoman  in  a  passage  in  which 
the  poet  pays  the  deme  a  compliment.^ 

3  Tragedy  deals  with  individuals;  comedy  is  inclined  to  deal  with  types,  groups* 
corporations.  A  guild  which  develops  certain  pecularities  becomes  a  fit  subject  for 
comedy;  so  will  a  community.  Eupolis  named  a  play  after  the  Prospaltians,  a  deme 
with  a  reputation  for  litigiousness.  Suidas  and  Etym.  Mag.  sv.  5pvaxapvev.  For 
plays  with  deme  names  see  Haussoulier  La  Vie  Municipale  en  Attique  198-199. 

«  Koerte  in  Hermes  XL VII,  305. 

^  Of  whom  the  Acharnians  were  the  most  considerable.    Acharnians  9. 

« The  Acharnians  are  representative  of  the  war  party.     Cf.  Thucyd.  2,  20. 

'  Cf.  Acharnians  177  following. 


26  THE  DEMESMAN  IN  ATTIC  LIFE 

kyo)  iiev  8evp6  croi  Girovbas  4>ep(jiv 
eairevdov  '  ol  6'  dacjipovTO  irpea^VTai  Tives 

'AxapfLKol,   (TTLTTTOl  yepOPT€S,  TpLPLVOL, 

drepdfjLOves,  MapadcovofxaxcH',  (Tipevda/iPLvoL. 
Here  they  are  called  'AxapPLKol.^    A  few  lines  back  it  had  been 
'Ax ap J'e'as.  the  ordinary  form  of  the  demotikon. 

As  they  are  the  chorus  DikaeopoKs  himself  has  occasion  to 
address  them.  He  makes  use  of  a  high-sounding  patronymic  based 
on  the  demotikon,  'AxapvrjldaL.^  But  he  does  not  long  maintain  such 
a  respectful  elevation.  In  a  few  hnes  comes  the  more  frequent 
'AxoLpvLKoi,^^  which  the  chorus  repeats  in  surprise  at  his  insolence. 
Clearly  the  patronymic  pleased  them  better.  But  for  all  that  this 
same  chorus  addresses  the  Muse  as  'AxapviKr}.^^ 

DikaeopoKs  has  betrayed  the  State.  He  has  made  peace  with 
an  enemy.  The  chorus  exhort  one  another,  appealing  as  demes- 
men,^2  ^q  destroy  the  traitor.  And  DikaeopoKs  reKes  on  the  same 
relationship  for  his  defence — he  takes  a  demesman  of  theirs  as  a 
hostage.  This  hostage  is  very  appropriately  a  Xap/cos,  for  the 
Acharnians  were  charcoal  burners,  or  rather  the  charcoal  burners 
who  came  into  Athens  were  Acharnians.  The  city-man's  point  of 
view  must  not  be  forgotten  in  comedy.  The  Acharnians  are  all 
devoted  to  their  demesman,  Larkos  the  Acharnian,  and  when 
DikaeopoKs  threatens  to  kill  the  hostage  they  are  in  great  distress, 
cos  dTTcoXojueo'^'  *  6  \dpKos  8rjiJL6Tr}s  65'  ear'  ejuos 
dWd  1X7}  Bpdarjs  6  jueXXets.  jUTySajucos,  w  pi7)ban(x}S.^ 
And  another  tie  endears  Larkos  to  them.  He  is  their  ri\LKL6)Trjs 
as  well  as  their  SrjuoTrjs.^^ 

Thus  between  their  indignation  at  DikaeopoKs  the  traitor  and 
their  affection  for  Larkos  their  demesman,  his  hostage,  the  Achar- 
nians are  checked,  but  it  almost  cost  Larkos  his  Kfe,  as  DikaeopoKs 
remarks  blaming  them  (Ach.  349); 

'oXt7ou  T*  cLiredavov  avOpaKes  HapviiaLOi 
Kal  ravra  5ta  rrfp  droTiav  rdv  drmoTcov. 

8  A.  J.  P.  XXXI,  443. 

^  Acharnians  322. 

^°  Acharnians  324,  1808.  Cf.  C.  W.  Peppier:  The  Termination  -kos  in  Aristoph- 
anes in  A.  J.  P.  XXXI,  444. 

"  Acharnians  665.  Cf.  Pindar  Nem.  II.  It  was  a  warlike  deme.  See  also  page  55 
and  Siiidas  s.  v.  Spvaxo-pveO. 

^Acharnians  319. 

^^  Acharnians  333. 

"  Acharnians  339.    Cf.  Plato:  Theages  121  D,  Apol  33  E. 


THE  DEMESMAN  IN  DRAMA  27 

Before  he  addresses  the  demesman  in  defence  of  his  policy  Dikae- 
opolis  wishes  to  dress  himself  up,  olov  adXicoTarov,  so  as  to  work 
upon  their  sympathy.  So  off  he  goes  to  find  Euripides  and  knocks 
at  his  door.  There  is  no  answer.  He  calls  out,  giving  his  name — 
— At/catoTToXts  KoKet  ae  XoWeidrjs — with  the  demotikon}^ 

Another  demesman,  Lysistratos  of  Cholargos,  is  called  a  dis- 
grace to  his  deme — Auo-tcrrparos  rev  dyopd  XoiXapyecov  opeiSos — ^^ 
A  deme,  then,  can  be  sensitive  to  the  reputation  of  one  of  its  mem- 
bers. The  Athenians  were  extraordinarily  sensitive  to  public  opin- 
ion and  the  character  of  the  citizen,  or  rather  his  lack  of  character, 
was  felt  to  reflect  upon  his  deme.  But  the  deme,  too,  may  judge 
character  and  the  citizen's  reputation  depended  in  the  last  analysis 
upon  his  standing  in  his  own  deme.  From  going  to  the  older  mem- 
bers of  the  deme  to  ask  if  they  know  the  man  about  whom  one  may 
be  seeking  information^^  to  presenting  them  in  court  to  testify  for 
or  against  a  citizen  in  whose  case  he  may  be  actively  interested  the 
opinion  of  the  demesmen  is  of  the  highest  importance.  It  is  the 
basis  of  pubHc  opinion  among  the  Athenians.  The  deme  is  the 
unit;  political  status  depends  upon  a  man's  standing  in  his  deme. 

A  demotikon  can  be  used  in  characterization  as  in  the  episode 
where  Derketes  of  Phyle^^  whose  oxen  have  been  driven  off  by  the 
Boeotians  comes  to  Dikaeopolis  for  peace  ointment. 

The  play  concludes  with  the  triumph  of  DikaeopoHs,  who  in 
tipsy  revelry  mocks  the  war-like  Lamachus,  exulting  in  the  success 
of  his  treaty  with  the  Lacedaemonians.  But  the  poet  has  been 
more  considerate  of  the  Acharnians  than  of  other  demes  in  other 
plays.  It  seems  that  he  inclines  to  treat  the  shore  demes  with 
less  kindness. 

When  the  demes  are  mentioned  by  Aristophanes  it  is  for  one  or 
more  of  the  following  reasons : 

1.  In  characterization.  To  introduce  the  characters.  Here 
the  demotikon}^ 

2.  On  account  of  some  local  cult  or  custom.^^ 

^^  Acharnians  406.  Cf.  Clouds  134,  156;  Wasps  81;  Peace  190,  918;  Birds  645; 
Thesmophoriazusae  627,  898;  Lysistrata  852;  Ekklesiazusae  979. 

^^  Acharnians  855. 

"  As  in  Lysias  XXI. 

^^  Acharnians  1023, 

19  Acharnians  406;  Clouds  134,  210;  Peace  190,  918,  919;  Birds  645;  Lysistrata  852; 
Thesmophoriazusae  620,  898;  Wasps  233. 

^^  Knights  773,  Birds  395,  Frogs  503,  651,  1093. 


28  THE  DEMESMAN  IN  ATTIC  LIFE 

3.  On  account  of  some  local  peculiarity  or  accident  of  location. ^i 

4.  To  recall  the  glories  of  the  Persian  Wars,  when  Athens  was 
the  saviour  of  Hellas. 22 

5.  To  make  a  hit  of  some  kind,  mostly  at  the  expense  of  the 
demes.23 

The  use  of  the  demotikon  in  introductions  is  a  mark  of  the  sub- 
stantial democrat.  Athens  had  become  bourgeois  and  it  is  note- 
worthy that  many  of  these  characters  are  men  of  demes  lying  in  or 
near  the  city,  in  some  cases  having  country  residences.  They 
always  announce  themselves  by  their  demotika.  So  Strepsiades, 
when  he  comes  to  the  school  of  Socrates,^^  announces  himself  as 
<E>et5cows  vlbs  'STperpiddrjs  KiKvvvoOep,  and  Trygaeus  calls  himself 
'AdjjLovevs,^^  in  the  Peace.  Euelpides  in  the  Birds^^  is  EL;eX7r[5?7s 
KpLcodev  who  lives  apparently  in  'AXt/xoDs,^^  and  Kinesias  introduces 
himself  as  Haiovidris  Kiprjalas.^^  In  the  Thesmophoriazusae^^ 
Mnesilochos,  who  is  disguised  as  a  woman,  answers  Cleisthenes' 
question  as  to  *'her"  husband's  name  by  saying;  tov  belva  yiyvcoa- 
K€Ls,  TOV  e/c  Kodcx3KL8oip;  and  Kritylla  styles  herself  KptruXXa  7' 
'kvTiBeov  TapyrjTTodev.^^  In  the  Wasps^^  Strymodoros  is  addressed  as 
CO  'ETpvfJi68o)pe  KovdvXev  ^eXnaTe  avvbLKaarcbv  and  asked  about  Xdj8r;s 
6  ^\vevs,  if  he  has  come  yet?  In  all  this  the  iroKtrai  know  each 
other  by  their  deme  names.  The  deme  is  the  social  unit  of  the 
Polis.  The  relation  to  one's  demesmen  is  a  narrower  circle  and 
only  when  an  outsider  refers  to  it  will  a  demotikon  be  used,  as 
where  Lysistratos  is  called  the  reproach  of  his  deme.^^  j^  address- 
ing one  another,  or  in  speaking  of  their  relations  to  their  demes- 
men, members  of  the  same  deme  will  be  satisfied  with  8r}fWT7js.^^ 

^^  Knights  320;  Birds  496;  Lysistrata  1031;  Frogs  477;  Thesmophoriazusae  998; 
Plutus  720. 

^^Acharnians  697;  Knights  560,  781,  1331;  Clouds  400;  Birds  868;  Wasps  711; 
Thesmophoriazusae  806. 

^Knights  79,  895;  Birds  476;  Frogs  429;  Peace  190,  919;  Lysistrata  850. 

24  Clouds  134. 

25  Peace  190,  919. 

26  Birds  645. 

27  Birds  496. 

28  Lysistrata  852.  The  official  character  of  all  this  is  shown  in  895.  Cf.  Hdt.  VI, 
109.    Aristotle,  A(9.  ttoX.  34,  27.  Dem.  XX,  146.  LIX,  72  Aesch.  Ill,  115. 

29  Thesmophoriazusae  620. 
^°  Thesmophoriazusae  898. 
»i  Wasps  233. 

^^  Acharnians  856. 

^Acharnians  319,  328,  d>?>Z,  348;  KnigUs  320;  Clouds  209,  1206,  122L  1322; 
Peace  918;  Lysistrata  685;  Ekklesiazusae  1023,  1115;  Plutus  255,  322. 


THE  DEMESMAN  IN  DRAMA  29 

The  deme  is  no  longer  a  village  community  though  in  the  country 
the  demesmen  may  engage  together  in  their  farm  work.^'^  In  the 
ninth  oration  of  Isaeus^^  the  demesmen  are  all  out  in  their  fields  at 
the  same  time  and  in  the  Plutus  8r]fjL6raL  is  linked  with  tov  ivoveiv 
epaaral.  The  demesmen  are  held  together  by  their  common  cult, 
their  common  duties  to  the  State,  their  local  nearness,  their  ayopd, 
or  deme-meeting.  Sometimes  their  agora  must  have  been  a  very 
informal  affair;  the  deme  came  nearer  the  freedom  of  the  family 
than  the  Assembly  of  the  Citizens.  And  agora  meant  market  as 
well.  Barter  goes  on  there.  It  thus  becomes  the  place  where  the 
demesmen  settle  local  affairs.  Prices  are  fixed  at  this  or  that 
[although,  of  course,  there  are  no  fixed  prices]  and  what  a  man  is 
comes  out  in  this  public  life.  The  demesmen  are  the  bystanders. 
Now  a  neighbor  may  not  always  know  what  goes  on  next  door 
but  the  demesmen  will  know  what  goes  on  in  the  market  place  of 
his  own  town;  the  affairs  of  the  deme  will  not  be  too  complex  for 
him  to  comprehend  and  to  remember,  if  occasion  require  it.  If  a 
man  is  in  trouble  he  appeals  for  help  first  to  his  neighbors  and  kins- 
men and  then  to  his  demesinen,^^  03  yeiroves  Kal  avy  yep  els  Kal  drjfjLOT  at, 
for  the  neighbors  will  be  likely  to  be  nearest,  the  kinsmen  most 
concerned  for  his  safety,  the  demesmen  most  interested  in  the 
maintenance  of  public  order.  So  if  he  wants  judgment  or  an 
opinion  he  will  appeal  to  his  demesmen. ^^  Judgment  is  sometimes 
given  unasked,  and  a  man  may  himself  be  the  object  of  the  criti- 
cism of  his  demesmen^^  or  may  become  absurd  or  hateful  to  them. 
But  to  make  an  enemy  of  one's  demesmen  is  an  offence  against  the 
social  order.  In  the  Clouds,  Pasias  bewails  the  fact  that  he  has 
made  an  enemy  of  his  demesman — when  he  had  only  tried  to  collect 
an  honest  debt.^^  A  man's  chief  support  in  the  politics  of  the  city 
is  his  demesmen.  His  aim  is  to  keep  his  demesmen  his  friends  and 
to  make  friends  in  a  large  deme  which  has  a  correspondingly  larger 
representation  in  the  Boule  and  so  more  weight  in  the  State.  A 
man's  duty  is  to  benefit  his  demesmen^°  and  he  naturally  looks  to 

''  Plutus  254. 
35  Isaeus  IX.  18. 

^  Clotids  1322;  Lysistrata  685;  Ekklesiazusae  1115.    The  neighbors  are  called  in 
in  case  of  fire.     Thesmophoriazusae  240. 
^''  AcharniansZ\9,322>, 

38  Knights  320. 

39  Clouds  1221. 
"  Peace  919. 


30  THE  DEMESMAN  IN  ATTIC  LIFE 

the  demesmen  for  a  return.*^  The  very  acme  of  devotion  is  shown 
by  the  Acharnians  for  their  demesman  Larkos.^^  And  old  Strep- 
siades  in  the  Clouds  when  shown  a  map  of  Attica  refuses  to  beHeve 
that  it  is  Attica  unless  he  can  see  KiKvvva  and  his  demesmen^^ 
Friendship  may  arise  largely  through  habitual  association  and  this 
may  be  residence  in  the  same  locality.  It  is  very  difficult  to  be 
friends  with  people  you  rarely  meet;  but  friend  and  demesman  are 
by  no  means  synonymous. ^^ 

"  Ekklesiazusae  1023.    Plutus  254,  322. 
^'^  Acharnians  332,  348. 
^Clouds  210. 

^Knights  320;  Clouds  1206,  1221;  Wasps  233;  Ekklesiazusae  1023;  Plutus  255. 
And  see  Chapter  VII,  note  40. 


CHAPTER  VI 
The  Demesman  in  the  Orators 

In  Aristophanes  the  gentile  side  of  the  deme  relationship^  is 
not  so  prominent  as  in  the  Orators.  Thus  in  Antiphon  the  demes- 
man appears  contrasted  with  the  Krjdearrjs.^  The  passage  gives 
two  reasons  why  one  man  should  help  another.  Phanostratos  who 
is  of  the  same  deme  as  the  accusers,  is  related  by  marriage  to  the 
defendant  and  has  been  entrusted  with  a  charge  in  which  both  are 
interested.  The  way  drjfjLOTrjs  is  here  balanced  with  KrjdeaTrjs  might 
almost  be  taken  to  indicate  that  the  two  bonds  are  of  about  the 
same  weight;  the  h'qjjLbT'qs  being  descended  from  a  common  ances- 
tor, this  is  a  tie  which  has  to  be  recognized.  In  Antiphon's  time 
it  must  certainly  have  stood  more  on  a  par  with  relationship  by 
marriage  than  it  did  later  on. 

Antiphon  was  one  of  the  leaders  of  the  Four  Hundred.  His 
deme  was  Rhamnus,  a  northern  deme  and  a  shore  deme.  Most  of 
the  leaders  of  the  Four  Hundred,  where  their  demes  are  known, 
come  from  inland  and  northern  demes.  Thrasybulus,  one  of  the 
leaders  of  the  democracy,  came  from  Steiria,  a  shore  deme,  and 
Theramenes  who  went  over  from  the  oligarchs  to  the  democrats 
was  of  the  same  deme. 

Andocides  was  a  man  who  betrayed  his  demesmen  (for  the 
eratpta,  headed  by  Euphiletos  consisted  chiefly,  if  not  wholly  of 
Kydathenaeans)  in  the  interests  of  his  family — crvyyeveis — under 
pressure  from  the  State.  He  does  not,  therefore,  dwell  on  the 
deme  relation.  The  philochoria  of  the  demesman  appears  only 
once^  and  this  is  a  case  where  deme  and  Polls  were  practically  the 
same,  since  Kydathenaeon  was  situated  in  the  heart  of  Athens. 

The  demotikon  figures  in  its  legal  function.  In  taking  testimony 
it  is  essential  that  the  court  know  where  the  witness  comes  from. 
Thus  it  is  on  the  declaration  made  by  a  slave  of  Pherekles  of  Thema- 
kos  that  Andocides  bases  his  plea  for  his  father's  innocence.^ 

^  For  it  quickly  took  on  that  in  imitation  of  the  ykvos  which  it  supplanted. 

2  Antiphon  VI,  12;  Cf.  Lysias  XIII,  55. 

3  Andocides  I.  5. 

4  Andocides  I,  17.    Cf.  Dem.  XVIII,  129. 


32  THE  DEMESMAN  IN  ATTIC  LIFE 

The  Other  demesman  mentioned  is  Alcibiades  of  Phegous — and 
to  avoid  confusion  with  Alcibiades  of  Scambonidae.^  But  he  was 
of  the  same  tribe  as  Pherekles. 

Andocides  being  an  oHgarch  would  naturally  incHne  to  intro- 
duce men  by  the  father's  name.  Thus  the  father's  name  occurs 
twelve  times  in  his  speeches  to  the  demotikon^s  twice.  And  when 
he  does  bring  in  the  demesman  he  does  it  rather  informally — the 
article  occurs  with  the  demoHkon;  and  the  official  style  omits  the 
article.^ 

Lysias  was  "a  metic  and  a  democrat  in  sympathy.  For  him 
ToyiTTjs  comes  first  in  the  scale,  and  drjfxoTrjs  may  even  stand 
above  (xvyyevrjs,  Krjdearrjs,  yevvrjTrjs,  eralpos.  The  demotikon  will  be 
used  more  than  the  father's  name.^ 

In  the  speech  against  Eratosthenes  one  demesman  appears. 
He  belongs  to  Lamptrae,  a  shore  deme,  and  is  violently  opposed  to 
the  oligarchical  club  of  Kritias  and  Charicles  (XII,  55).^ 

In  the  speech  against  Agoratos^  we  meet  Hagnodoros  of  Amphi- 
trope,  a  shore  deme  of  Antiochis,  who  is  a  demesman  of  Mnesis- 
tratos  whom  Agoratos  had  accused  and  a  Kr)8e(TTr)s  of  Kritias,  one 
of  the  Thirty.  Through  his  alliance  with  the  oligarchical  leader 
Hagnadoros  is  able  to  get  Mnesistratos  off,  Mnesistratos  becomes 
an  informer  and  when  the  democrats  return  they  put  him  to  death. 
But  Aristophanes  of  Cholleidae  was  spared,  although  he  had  once 
gone  surety  for  Agoratos  and  had  plotted  to  effect  his  escape.^'' 

How  does  the  use  of  these  two  demotika  differ  from  the  simple 
name?  The  men  are  not  exactly  principals  in  the  case;  theirs  is  a 
minor  part.  In  each  instance  there  is  a  story  back  of  it  into  which 
the  speaker  does  not  go.  The  chief  character  of  the  episode  is 
introduced  and  its  denouement  given  all  in  the  same  sentence. 

The  relation  of  Agoratos  to  his  deme  is  why  that  demotikon  is 
used.^^  He  has  cheated  the  State,  for  he  uses  the  courts,  sits  in  the 
assembly,  and  conducts  public  prosecutions,  being  registered  by 

^  Andocides  I,  65.    Antiphon,  frag.  Ill,  8.    See  page  50. 

«  For  Andocides  see  above.  Lys.  XXX,  10;  XXXI,  16;  Isocr.  XVIII,  10;  Dem. 
XXI,  103,  LVII,  37,  3S;  Aesch.  I,  43;  Hyp.  V,  9;  in  Isocr.  XVIII,  22,  the  article  is 
put  in  to  avoid  hiatus. 

'  Lysias  VI,  54,  where  the  father's  name  cannot  be  avoided. 

8  Lysias  XII,  55. 

9  Lysias  XIII,  55. 

10  Lysias  XIII,  58. 
"Lysias  XIII,  73. 


THE  DEMESMAN  IN  THE  ORATORS  S3 

fraud  in  the  deme  Anagyros.  He  is  really  a  slave  and  has  no  right 
to  pass  himself  off  as  an  Athenian.  The  citizenship  was  given  by 
the  democrats  to  slaves  and  foreigners  of  every  description  who 
paid  for  the  privilege,  if  we  are  to  credit  Andocides/^  From  this 
and  XXIII  and  Dem.  XLIV  we  see  how  easy  it  was  to  register 
fraudulently  in  a  deme.  The  penalty  was  to  be  sold  into  slavery. 
As  many  of  the  offenders  were  slaves  anyway  this  was  no  great 
hardship.  And  if  the  demesmen  could  be  bribed  to  admit  a  man^^ 
it  would  be  to  their  interest  to  protect  him.  The  deme  which  thus 
allowed  fraudulent  registration  was  most  apt  to  be  a  shore  deme/^ 
just  as  the  deme  here  is  a  shore  deme. 

Mantitheos  of  Thorikos  for  whom  Lysias  wrote  a  speech  is  one 
of  the  Horse  Guards  and  might  be  suspected  of  ohgarchic  sympa- 
thies.^^ So  he  alludes  to  his  pubhc  spirit^^  and  proves  that  he 
deserves  well  of  his  demesmen. ^^  He  refers  to  one  of  the  generals  as 
''that  high  and  mighty  Steirian,"^^  meaning  of  course  Thrasybulus. 

A  man's  good  character  as  a  citizen,  one  begins  to  see,  depends 
on  his  relation  to  his  deme  and  to — not  the  Polis — but  the  demo- 
cratic party.  The  prime  requisite  is  to  be  evvovs  .  .  .  too  u/xerepoj 
ifK'qBei}^  The  tyranny  of  Demos  has  begun.  Not  only  can  a  deme 
be  bribed  but  the  speaker  of  Lysias  appeals  to  the  cupidity  of  his 
judges.  ^^ 

His  character  as  a  citizen  depends  further  on  the  associations 
he  has  formed  with  men  of  other  demes.  Thus,  in  trying  to  save 
the  property  of  Aristophanes^^  from  confiscation  by  the  State,  a 
KTjdearrjs  of  his,  who  has  married  his  sister,  has  to  show  that  all  the 
family  are  good  democrats.  So  he  does  not  fail,  in  mentioning  the 
men  who  married  his  sisters,  to  give  their  demotika,^^  Philomelos  of 
Paeania  and  Phaedros  of  Myrrhinus,  and  he  himself  had  married 
the  daughter  of  Kritodemos  of  Alopeke.  The  obHgations  of  the 
Kr]8e<TTr)s  are  prescribed  in  34  and  35. 

12  And.  II,  23. 

"  Isaeus  XII,  I,  2.     Aesch.  II,  76.    Hyp.  Ill,  3.     Cf.  Harp.  s.  v.  'AyaaiKXrjs. 
"Lys.XVI. 
15  Lys.  XVI,  8. 
i«  Lys.  XVI,  14. 
"  Lys.  XVI,  15. 
isLys.XVIH,  6.  XXI,  13. 

18  Lys.  XVII,  6,  7.    Thus  Aristophanes  (Knights  255)  jeers  at  the  Triobol  clan, 
meaning  the  dicasts,  whom  Cleon  has  practically  bribed  to  support  him. 
20  Lys.  XIX. 
2iLys.  XIX,  15. 


34  THE  DEMESMAN  IN  ATTIC  LIFE 

Marriages  are  more  likely  to  occur  between  families  of  the  same 
tribe  and  adjacent  demes,  or  demes  which  belong  to  the  same  sec- 
tions of  Attica,  or  in  the  same  deme.  Aristophanes  and  his  K-qbeaTijs 
may  have  belonged  to  the  same  deme.^^  Aristophanes'  farm  in 
Rhamnus  does  not  indicate  membership  in  that  deme.^^  But  the 
speaker  mentions  no  deme  for  either  Aristophanes  or  himself. 
This  might  be  taken  to  indicate  that  they  come  from  the  same 
deme.  And  he  is  shy  about  mentioning  it.  Then  it  must  have 
been  an  aristocratic  deme.  Kydathenaeon  belongs  to  the  same 
tribe  as  Paeania  and  Myrrhinus  and  is  in  the  city,  practically 
adjacent  to  Melite  and  Alopeke — between  them  in  short.^^  Besides, 
if  any  man's  property  was  liable  to  confiscation  by  the  party  Ik 
Iletpatews  it  was  a  man  who  lived  in  a  city  deme,  if  his  connections 
were  in  any  way  aristocratic.  In  a  speech  dealing  with  an  inheri- 
tance one  would  naturally  expect  an  account  of  all  the  family  con- 
nection,25  but  here  no  such  matter  can  be  introduced,  unless  it  be 
for  its  political  advantage;  if  it  strengthens  the  case  against  the 
confiscation  of  Aristophanes'  property  it  can  only  be  because  the 
demesmen  so  introduced  are  known  to  be  democratic  and  its  men- 
tion will  win  the  popular  approval. 

Polystratos  although  he  had  been  one  of  the  Four  Hundred  is 
still  a  good  demesman.26  His  father  was  elected  by  the  tribe 
because  he  was  xPI^tos  avrjp  irepi  tovs  drjjjLOTas  Kal  wepl  rb  irXrjdos 
t6  vnerepov.  They  must  not  be  mad  at  him  because  he  was 
a  demesman  of  Phrynichos^^ — unless  they  mean  to  be  mad  at 
themselves  for  being  fellow-citizens  of  the  hated  oligarch.  When 
his  father  was  chosen  to  take  the  census  he  registered  9,000 
(instead  of  5,000)  so  that  none  of  the  demesmen  could  complain  of 
him.  And  he  refers  to  his  demesmen  in  perfect  confidence  that 
they  will  attest  his  faithful  performance  of  all  his  military  duties.^® 

Arches tratos  of  Phrearros^^  and  Nausimachos  of  Phaleron  are 
demesmen  mentioned  by  the  patriotic  trierarch  who  does  not  like 

22  See  page  42. 

29Lys.XIX,  28. 

2*  MeXiTTj,  VII,  A.  Haiaj/tA  III,  C.  Mvppivoijs  III,  C.  'AXwire/ciJ  X  A.  Paiivovs 
IX,  S.  'Apa<f)\v<TTos  X,  S.  Kv8adr}vaLov  III,  A.  [A  =  City,  C = Country,  S=  Shore. 
Roman  numerals  refer  to  ofl&cial  list  of  tribes.] 

25  Cf .  Dem.  XLIII,  19. 

2«Lys.XX,  2. 

2'  Lys.  XX,  12,  13.    On  this  cf .  Wiiamowitz,  Aristoteles  imd  Athen  III,  356,  n.  1. 

28Lys.XX,  23. 

2»  T.vs.  XXI.  8.  9. 


THE  DEMESMAN  IN  THE  ORATORS  35 

Alcibiades^^  and  who  saved  two  ships  from  the  enemy  after  a  sea 
fight,  from  which  only  twelve  Athenian  ships  escaped.  This 
Archestratos  is  one  of  the  generals  elected  with  Thrasyllos  and 
Nausimachos  commanded  one  of  the  ships  that  were  saved  and  is 
present  to  testify  to  the  trierarch's  achievement.^^ 

The  demesmen  of  Deceleia  are  brought  in  to  testify  against  Pan- 
cleon^2  ^}io  claimed  to  be  registered  in  that  deme.  The  records  do 
not  suffice  to  prove  a  man's  citizenship.  They  could  be  tampered 
with  too  easily.  The  register  kept  by  the  demarch  is  useful  for 
selecting  men  for  the  navy  or  for  the  army  or  for  liturgies — or  to  see 
if  a  man  is  entitled  to  share  in  some  special  privilege  within  the 
deme — but  to  prove  a  thing  so  important  as  citizenship  only  the 
living  voice  can  be  heard,  the  demesmen  themselves  must  testify 
that  he  is  one  of  them  or  that  he  is  not.^^  The  Deceleians  testify 
that  they  did  not  know  Pancleon. 

In  another  case^^  a  man's  demesmen  and  friends  appear  before 
the  judges  and  with  tears  and  entreaties  seek  his  acquittal.  The 
speaker  is  too  good  a  democrat  to  approve  of  this.  Friendship  and 
the  deme-tie  must  not  be  allowed  to  interfere  with  the  bond  between 
citizen  and  Polls. 

Campaign  contributions  give  one  a  claim  on  the  favor  of  the 
democratic  party.  So  one  demesman  tells  of  his  contributions  and 
also  how  he  had  equipped  his  demesmen.^^  But  he  is  refuted^^  and 
it  is  shown  that  he  went  about  the  country  demes  making  requisi- 
tions and  robbing  the  old  men  whose  age  alone  prevented  them  from 
taking  up  arms  against  the  Thirty. 

The  members  of  the  Boule  were  chosen  by  demes.  Such  a  man 
would  be  spoken  of  with  his  demotikon;  his  official  position  called 
for  it.  So  Satyros  of  Kephisia  is  represented  as  really  acting  against 
the  democracy." 

Diotimos,  the  Acharnian,  is  called  on  as  a  witness^^  along  with 
other  demesmen  in  a  matter  of  public  interest — the  expenditure 
of  the  campaign  fund. 

30Lys.XXI,  6. 
s^Lys.XXI,  10. 

32  Lys.  XXIII. 

33  Lys.  XXIII,  3  and  4. 

34  Lys.  XXVII,  12. 

35  Lys.  XXXI,  15. 

36  Lys.  XXXI,  18.    Cf.  Isocr.  Areop.  46. 

37  Lys.  XXX,  10. 

38  Lys.  XXXI,  16. 


36  THE  DEMESMAN  IN  ATTIC  LIFE 

Isaeus,  in  all  but  one  of  his  speeches — ^XII — deals  with  kKtjpol, 
or  inheritances.  There  is  never  any  mention  of  a  family's  selling 
an  estate.^^  The  property  is  kept  in  the  family  as  much  as  pos- 
sible. The  contestants  are  often  of  the  same  family;  if  it  can  be 
shown  that  one  of  them  is  not  related  to  the  deceased,  the  estate 
will  go  to  the  other. 

It  thus  becomes  a  matter  of  importance  to  give  the  history  of  the 
estate  and  a  full  account  of  the  family  connection.  The  speaker  of 
oration  II  has  been  adopted  by  Menekles;  his  object  is  to  estabhsh 
the  legality  of  his  adoption.  So  he  tells  the  story  from  the 
beginning.  His  father  was  'EiroiPVfjios  6  'Axapj^eus*^  (f>L\os  Kai 
eTTLTrjdeLos  Mei'e/cXet.  They  were  not  then  of  the  same  deme.  In 
oration  III,  as  well  as  oration  I,  this  narrative  use  of  the  demotikon 
is  not  found;  they  were  not  the  first  speeches  deahng  with  those 
cases  and  the  stories  had  already  been  told.  Thus  the  estate  in 
oration  IV  had  already  been  in  litigation  six  times;  the  estate  in 
oration  V  had  been  up  before,  but  the  relationships  are  given  in 
the  narrative.^i  In  oration  VI  the  narrative  demotikon  occurs 
again.^2  Philoktemon  of  Paeania  adopts  his  friend  Chaerestratos. 
Oration  VII  is  not  the  first  speech  but  a  defence.  The  characters 
have  all  been  made  known  to  the  judges  already  and  there  is  less 
occasion  for  demotika.  But  for  all  that  the  speaker  tells  the  story 
'ApxeSajuos  yap  6  irainros  ovfxds  ej  Ol'ou,  the  unusual  position  of 
the  demotikon  referring  to  the  "cause  celebre"  in  which  Archedamos 
had  defeated  Eupolis.^^  The  inheritance  in  oration  VIII  has  been 
the  subject  of  previous  speeches;  the  present  speaker  therefore 
traces  the  cabal  to  defraud  himself  and  his  brother.  It  all  began, 
he  says,  with  Diokles  of  Phlya.^  In  oration  IX  where  we  find  an 
old  feud  there  is  no  introductory  demotikon.  In  oration  X  the 
speaker  begins  the  narrative  by  showing  to  whom  he  traces  his 
claim  and  in  oration  XI,  a  case  which  had  been  in  court  before,  the 
names  alone  are  used  in  setting  forth  the  relationship.  But  in  the 
Demosthenic  corpus  there  is  a  speech  on  the  same  estate  as  oration 
XI  in  which^^  the  speaker  with  a  kind  of  exasperation  starts  in  and 

3^H.  E.  Seebohm:  Structure  of  Greek  Tribal  Society,  p.  83. 

40  Isaeus  II,  3. 

4^  Isaeus  V,  5  and  26. 

42  Isaeus  VI,  3. 

43  Isaeus  VII,  7.    See  Wyse's  note. 

44  Isaeus  VIII,  3. 

45  (Dem.)  XLIII,  19. 


THE  DEMESMAN  IN  THE  ORATORS       .       37 

tells  the  whole  story  all  over  again;  and  there  the  demotikon  is 
found. 

A  family  maintains  itself  by  marriage  and,  failing  children,  by 
adoption.  As  the  State  is  interested  in  the  perpetuity  of  every 
family,  these  are  matters  of  pubhc  importance  and  receive  official 
recognition  and  legal  sanction.  The  demotikon  is  in  place  wherever 
a  marriage  or  an  adoption  is  referred  to  and  the  parties  require  an 
introduction.     In    oration    II    three    marriages    are    mentioned; 

1.  Menekles  to  the  younger  daughter  of  Eponymos  of  Acharnae; 

2.  the  son  of  Eponymos,  whom  Menekles  had  adopted,  marries 
the  daughter  of  Philonides;  3.  the  daughter  of  Eponymos  after 
her  divorce  from  Menekles  is  given  in  marriage  to  Eleios  of  Sphet- 
tos.^^  In  oration  V,  the  four  daughters  of  Menexenos  of  Kydathe- 
naeon  are  married  to  Polyaratos,  Demokles  of  Phrearros,  Kephiso- 
phon  of  Paeania,  Theopompos,^^  and  Dikaeogenes  marries  his 
sister  to  Protarchides  of  Potamos.  In  oration  VI,  Euktemon  of 
Kephisia  marries  the  daughter  of  Meixiades  of  the  same  deme^^ 
and  later  on  threatens  to  marry  the  daughter  of  Demokrates  of 
Aphidna.^^  In  oration  VII,  the  two  daughters  of  EupoHs  marry 
Pronapes  and  Aeschines  of  Lousia.^*^  In  oration  VIII,  Kiron  gives 
his  daughter  in  marriage  to  Nausimenes  of  Cholargos.^^  In  ora- 
tion IX,  Euthykrates  of  Araphen  marries  the  sister  of  Hierokles  of 
Iphistiadae^^  and  in  oration  X,  Aristarchos  of  Sypalletos  marries 
the  daughter  of  Xenaenetos  of  Acharnae.^^  A  glance  at  the  stem- 
mata  of  orations  XI  and  (Dem.)  XLIII  will  show  to  what  an  extent 
marriages  took  place  in  the  same  deme  and  even  in  the  same 
family.  Thus  where  the  demotikon  is  not  given  to  one  of  the  par- 
ties allied  by  marriage  or  an  adoption  the  probabiHties  favor  their 
being  both  of  the  same  deme. 

A  transfer  of  property  is  also  a  matter  of  public  interest.  Thus 
in  oration  II  the  purchaser  of  a  field  forming  a  part  of  the  disputed 
estate  is  introduced  by  the  demotikon}'^ 

^'Isaeus  II,  9.    It  is  probable  that  Menekles,  Philonides  and  Leukolophos  all 
belonged  to  the  deme  Acharnae. 
"7  Isaeus  V,  5,  26. 
"  Isaeus  VI,  10. 
49  Isaeus  VI,  22. 
5°  Isaeus  VII,  18. 
"  Isaeus  VIII,  8. 
«2  Isaeus  IX,  22. 
^3  Isaeus  X,  4. 
"  Isaeus  II,  29. 


38  THE  DEMESMAN  IN  ATTIC  LIFE 

In  these  inheritance  cases  two  principles  seem  to  contend  with 
one  another.  The  very  first  oration  sets  them  forth.  The  old  laws 
of  property  have  begun  to  pass  out,  it  is  an  age  of  transition,  the 
new  are  not  without  their  points  of  doubtful  interpretation.  It  is 
possible  for  property  to  be  separated  from  the  family.  And  the 
demesman  is  in  all  cases  a  very  important  figure  since  the  deme- 
tie  looks  both  ways,  retaining  the  fiction  of  blood  relationship. 
Thus  in  adoption,  the  adoptive  son  is  introduced  to  the  phrateres, 
the  demesmen  and  the  orgeones.  Of  such  all  may  be  called  as  wit- 
nesses.^5  In  one  case  the  adopted  son  is  presented  to  the  gennetae 
and  the  phrateres  but  not  yet  enrolled  among  the  demesmen. ^^  In 
oration  IX,  a  man  making  his  will  consults  his  crvyyevels,  (^pdrepes, 
drffioTaL.  In  Dem.  LVII,  24,  one  finds  four — avyyevels.  </)p(XTepes, 
dTjjjLOTai,  yevvTJTaL.  A  man's  citizenship  was  not  complete  unless 
he  could  prove  his  membership  in  three  groups — the  yevos,  the 
phratry  and  the  deme."  It  would  appear  that  the  cuYYe^ets 
could  belong  to  the  same  phratry^^  and  that  they  are  also  gennetae}'^ 
Isaeus  generally  mentions  avyyevels  first  and  drjuoTai  last  when  the 
three  groups  are  referred  to;  drjiidrai  then  will  refer  to  the  largest 
of  the  three  groups.  For  gennetae^^  can  be  substituted  orgeones^^ 
or  thiasotae^^  and  the  (tu77€?^€Ts  might  all  belong  to  the  same 
phratry.^^  Every  Athenian  besides  his  deme  and  his  family  had 
to  belong  to  some  religious  guild  and  the  subdivisions  of  such  a 
guild  or  brotherhood  would  be  most  conveniently  the  families  associ- 
ated in  its  cult.^^  In  oration  VII,  avyyevels  appears  to  be  used 
as  synonymous  with  gewweto;  in  Dem.  LVII,  24,  they  are  distin- 
guished apart.  How  are  we  to  account  for  this?  Thrasyllos  who 
has  been  adopted  by  ApoUodoros  in  the  latter's   lifetime  is  de- 

65  Isaeus  II,  14,  16,  17. 
"  Isaeus  VII,  43. 
6'  Isaeus  IX,  21. 

58  Dem.  LVII,  23. 

59  Isaeus  VII,  27. 
'oisaeusVII,  13-15, 17,26,43. 
«i  Isaeus  II,  14,  16,  17,  45. 

62  Isaeus  IX,  30. 

63  Isaeus  XII,  8.    Dem.  LVII,  23. 

6*  See  p.  10.  The  terms  yevvfJTai,  dpye&ves,  diaaCirai,  indicate  stages  in  the 
social  development  of  the  religious  corporation.  The  Blaaot  is  much  more  secu- 
lar, its  fiction  of  kinship  much  thinner,  and  the  object  of  its  cult  need  not  be  so  Attic 
a  god.  For  this  reason  in  the  phratry  the  ykvos  retained  its  rehgious  privacy,  even 
though  the  other  corporations  are  associated  in  the  same  worship. 


THE  DEMESMAN  IN  THE  ORATORS  39 

fending  himself  against  a  family  which  had  been  at  odds  with 
Apollodoros  and  is  now  claiming  his  estate.  The  claimant  besides 
had  been  adopted  by  Hippolochides  and  had  lost  any  right  he 
may  have  had  to  the  estate  by  this — if  he  ever  had  such  a  right. 
In  this  case  the  adoption  is  not  open  to  suspicion,  Thrasyllos 
evidently  has  all  the  avyyevels  on  his  side  —  for  in  his  deme  the 
family  put  through  the  adoption  and  had  him  enrolled  among  their 
demesmen  after  the  death  of  Apollodoros.  He  calls  his  tribesmen 
to  witness.^^  That  does  not  make  deme  and  tribe  the  same.  To 
him  the  (n;77€j'ets  seem  about  as  important  as  the  gennetae.  It 
might  even  have  been  possible  for  this  particular  yei^os  by  repeated 
intermarriage  to  have  made  all  its  gennetae  actual  avyyevtls.^^ 
Such  a  thing  was  more  likely  to  be  the  case  with  a  genos  which  was 
jealous  of  the  privileges  to  which  its  blood  entitled  it.  We  have 
seen  how  much  intermarriage  there  was  in  the  family  of  Bouselos 
of  Oion,  and  Thrasyllos  is  a  grandson  of  one  Archedamos  of  Oion. 
If  this  were  Olov  AeKeXeiKov  then  in  such  a  deme,  evidently  named 
after  a  guild,  the  YeVos  would  have  to  protect  itself  against  the 
admixture  of  baser  blood.  That  the  yeprj  felt  that  way  about  it 
no  one  can  doubt.  The'  EreojSouraSat  prove  it.  And  Cleisthenes' 
arrangement  drove  such  yevr}  to  a  greater  degree  of  endogamy 
because  it  was  rendered  more  difhcult  for  them  to  continue  their 
alliances  as  before.  And  there  may  be  members  of  several  phratries 
in  a  deme  whereas  formerly  it  had  been  just  the  other  way;  Cleis- 
thenes'  arrangement  thus  makes  the  phratry  subordinate  to  the 
deme  in  every  way  that  could  influence  the  political  situation. 
And  the  demesman  is  now  only  secondarily  a  member  of  a  cult 
organization,  unless  he  belong  to  one  of  the  aristocratic  yevrj,  in 
which  case  he  will  be  pushed  out  of  all  positions  of  influence  except 
that  of  the  priesthood  of  his  cult;  and  it  was  not  long  before  the 
priesthood  became  elective — the  more  secular  organizations  leading 
the  way. 

The  duties  of  the  demesman  in  his  deme  are  military,  social, 
poHtical  and  economic.  His  social  duties  are  to  fulfill  all  such 
obHgations  as  will  conduce  to  the  security,  prosperity  and  happi- 
ness of  the  community.     Military  duties  come  first;  they  are  to  the 

^  Isaeus  VII,  36. 

"'  Isaeus  IX,  8,  gives  the  extension  of  ol/ceiot  and  avyyevels  as  equivlaent  to 
jivvvTai.    VIII,  32,  shows  that  an  oIkos  could  number  four  generations. 


40  THE  DEMESMAN  IN  ATTIC  LIFE 

State,  which  ranges  the  demes  by  tribes.^^  Athletics  figure  also:  a 
man  can  serve  in  his  deme  as  gymnasiarch.^^  Cult  duties  are  taken 
up  in  the  phratry  but  the  community  of  the  deme  requires  feasts 
and  festivals.  Thus  the  deme  demands  liturgies  of  the  demesman, 
one  of  which  is  to  feast  the  men  of  his  deme.^^  These  liturgies  are 
due  from  the  head  of  a  household  and  the  phrateres  and  the  demes- 
men  are  interested  in  their  performance.^^  The  demes  celebrated 
the  Thesmophoria^^  and  a  demesman  regarded  it  as  a  proof  of  his 
citizenship  that  his  mother  was  selected  by  the  wives  of  her  hus- 
band's fellow-demesmen  to  preside  at  the  festival.  ^^  j^  all  this 
matter  of  feast  and  festival  the  deme  is  associated  with  the  phra- 
try^^  for  only  an  Athenian  was  entitled  to  their  privileges  and  his 
claim  depended  on  his  secure  membership  in  both  phratry  and  deme. 
It  was  easier  to  obtain  ingress  into  a  deme  than  a  phratry — some 
phratries,  that  is,  where  the  yevrj  retained  their  ascendancy — but 
one  could  lose  his  citizenship  through  the  enmity  of  his  demesmen. 
To  be  deprived  of  the  citizenship  was  for  the  Athenian  a  terrible 
misfortune.  So  it  is  not  surprising  that  one  good  demesman  should 
consider  it  lamentable  to  be  involved  in  a  suit  against  his  own 
deme.^^  To  have  a  dispute  with  your  fellow  citizens,  to  be  wronged 
by  one  of  them  is  bad  enough,  but  he  is  wronged  by  his  demesmen. ^^ 
The  deme  can  have  litigation  with  one  of  its  members ^^  and  many 
disputes  between  men  of  the  same  deme  and  even  of  a  deme  against 
one  of  its  members — can  be  settled  in  the  deme  assembly  by  the 
vote  of  the  demesmen. 

Thus  to  deprive  a  man  of  the  citizenship  his  enemies  may  pre- 
vail upon  the  men  of  his  deme  to  strike  him  off  the  deme  register. 
And  the  reverse  is  even  more  the  case,  that  the  citizenship  may  be 
fraudulently  secured  by  bribing  the  demesmen."  It  was  the 
demarch  who  would  require  the  largest  bribe.   The  relation  of  the 

"  Isaeus  II,  42.    Theophrastus:  Characters,  XXVII,  27. 

«8  Isaeus  II,  42.    Theophrastus:  Characters,  XXVII,  27. 

«9  Isaeus  III,  80.    Theophrastus:  Characters  XXIV,  16. 

"  Isaeus  III,  80. 

"  Cf.  Rev.  Epig.— 1914— II,  p.  80. 

"  Isaeus  VIII,  18,  20. 

'3  Isaeus  IX,  21,33. 

7*  Isaeus  f.  VII,  4. 

76  Isaeus  f.  VII,  4. 

'« Isaeus  f .  VII,  f .  VI  and  XII.    Demosth.  LVII. 

"Demosthenes:  LVII. 


THE  DEMESMAN  IN  THE  ORATORS  41 

demarch  to  the  men  of  his  deme  was  most  important;  in  the  public 
courts  he  represented  the  deme,  in  the  deme  he  represented  the  law 
and  was  concerned  with  public  order.  Thus  he  had  the  duty  of 
collecting  debts  and  assessments:  old  Strepsiades  in  the  Clouds 
finds  him  quite  a  nuisance. ^^  The  secular  administration  was 
largely  in  the  hands  of  the  demarch. 

In  business  affairs  the  public  importance  of  the  transaction  regu- 
lates the  use  of  the  demotikon  and  such  matters  as  wills  and  one 
citizen's  going  surety  for  another  that  he  will  perform  duties  of 
public  weal  are  found  to  require  the  demesman.  It  is  almost  in  an 
official  capacity.  Thus  in  oration  IX^^  a  will  is  left  in  charge  of 
Hierokles  of  Iphistiadae  and  in  oration  V^^  Mnesiptolemos  of 
Plotheia  and  Leochares  go  bail  for  Dikaeogenes.  In  such  capacity 
both  parties  would  prefer  a  member  of  their  own  deme,  and  the 
omission  of  the  demotikon  with  the  name  of  Leochares  is  perhaps 
because  he  was  of  the  same  deme  as  Dikaeogenes,  i.  e.,  Kydathen- 
aeon. 

In  the  value  attached  to  the  testimony  of  witnesses — and  it  has 
been  indicated  how  the  demesman  was  among  the  most  indispens- 
able of  witnesses — age  lends  its  dignity.  The  old  demesman  is 
regarded  as  the  most  reliable  witness.  Thus  in  a  fragment  of  the 
Speech  against  Epikrates  special  stress  is  laid  on  the  deposition  of 
Myronides  who  was  the  oldest  of  the  demesmen.^^  They  are 
thought  to  be  better  informed  on  the  history  of  the  case  and  their 
reliability  is  attested  by  their  years.  ^^ 

Family, s^  property  and  marriage  are  much  in  evidence  in  Isaeus. 
In  the  marriages  and  transfers  of  property  among  the  Athenians 
appears  the  same  duality  observed  in  the  outset  in  this  study — 
the  human  and  the  physical  sides  of  local  attachment,  the  gentile 
principle  of  the  genos  and  the  communal  principle  of  the  demos. 
The  influence  of  locality  is  seen  in  a  struggle  with  the  caste  feeling, 
and  from  the  evidence  which  remains  it  seems  to  have  triumphed. 
Marriage  became  more  and  more  a  secular  affair,  though  at  the 
same  time  it  was  restricted  to  the  limits  imposed  by  sacred  law — 
that  no  Athenian  might  marry  beyond  the  citizen  body.     And  this, 

^^Aristophanes:  Clouds,  37. 

79  Isaeus  IX,  5. 

8°  Isaeus  V,  18. 

*^  Isaeus  frag.  XII,  A,  44. 

82  Lys.  XXIII,  5.  Dem.  LVII,  59.    Aeschines  II,  150,  cf.  also  I,  23-24. 

^3  Cf.  Savage:  The  Athenian  Family,  especially  chapter  V. 


42  THE  DEMESMAN  IN  ATTIC  LIFE 

for  all  their  fine  words,  meant  only  that  they  recognized  the  State 
as  a  close  corporation. 

Of  some  126  marriages  mentioned  in  the  Uterature  twenty-four 
are  indeterminate  with  respect  to  the  demotikon.  In  102,  however, 
the  demotikon  of  each  party  could  be  ascertained.  The  State  is  not 
here  concerned  with  the  individuals;  marriage  is  an  aUiance  between 
families;  and  with  the  Athenian  it  is  a  means  of  advancing  his 
poHtical  and  social  influence  and  bettering  his  exchequer.  The  wife 
was  a  chattel  but  her  dowry  secured  for  her  fair  treatment  and  in 
the  case  of  a  dispute  between  her  Kvpios  and  her  husband,  her 
KvpLos  could  take  her  back  to  his  household  or  if  she  became  an 
heiress^  the  next  of  kin  might  claim  her  hand.  In  twenty-six  of 
these  marriages  the  famihes  belong  to  the  same  deme,  that  is,  over 
one-fourth,  and  in  thirty-seven  to  the  same  tribe,  over  one-third. 
The  number  of  marriages  between  famihes  already  related  must 
have  been  very  large  and  often  there  is  found  a  family  in  which 
there  is  excessive  intermarrying.  This  is  due  to  poverty  and  pride ; 
and  the  influence  of  caste  will  be  strongest  in  the  inland  demes.  In 
the  city  and  among  shore  demes  neighbors  will  intermarry  more 
and  more — which  may  have  been  one  of  the  results  anticipated  by 
Cleisthenes  when  he  based  the  State  on  the  brjyios  to  the  disad- 
vantage of  the  yevos.  The  new  order  would  most  inconvenience 
those  families  which  looked  back  to  the  old  regime,  for  their  former 
friends  would  now  be  in  other  tribes  and  phratries  and  they  would 
be  less  apt  to  contract  marriages  in  the  same  tribe,  in  which  they 
now  found  themselves  under  the  new  arrangement.  Look  for  mar- 
riages between  members  of  the  country  demes  of  the  same  tribe. 
They  are  scarce. 

Thus  some  of  the  best  blood  in  the  State  was  isolated,  for  the 
citizenship  was  now  so  limited  that  they  could  not,  as  they  had 
formerly  been  privileged  to  do,  marry  into  aristocratic  famihes  in 
other  states.  Such  marriages  had  produced  some  of  the  greatest 
men  of  Athens  and  such  intermarriage  as  the  restriction  of  the  citi- 
zenship compels  means  a  dechne.  For  there  was  no  prohibition  of 
marriage  inside  the  tribe,  inside  the  deme,  inside  the  yevos  nor 
inside  the  family.  A  man  was  forbidden  to  marry  his  mother's 
daughter  but  a  a  niece  he  could  marry — as  this  would  keep  the 
property  in  the  family. 

w  Isaeus  III,  50.    See  Wyse's  note.    Plato,  Laws  924,  Polit.  310. 


THE  DEMESMAN  IN  THE  ORATORS  43 

The  city  families  had  position;  the  shore  demes  produced  fami- 
lies of  wealth.  The  tide  set  in  towards  the  city.  The  demes  near 
the  city  were  naturally  the  first  to  ally  themselves  with  city  demes, 
especially  with  Kydathenaeon,^^  and  then  came  in  the  men  from 
the  country  demes  and  finally  from  the  shore  demes.  It  is  in  the  city 
that  marriages  between  relatives  occur  most  frequently.  This  custom ^^ 
is  a  survival  of  the  time  when  the  yevos  was  an  actual  community 
and  when  such  a  thing  as  the  "undivided  household"  was  an 
integral  part  of  social  organization  and  property  was  held  in  com- 
mon. 

Property  may  be  classified  as  land  and  chattel  property.  The 
theories  of  the  primitive  village  community  make  everything  belong 
to  the  common  stock.  Articles  of  personal  use  and  adornment 
could  hardly  have  been  passed  about  to  equalize  their  possession; 
weapons  least  of  all.  Land  was  held  in  common.  By  Homer's 
time  they  had  passed  beyond  that.^^  And  chattel  property  was 
the  first  to  become  heritable.  ^^  The  regulations  on  marriage,  espec- 
ially those  which  have  to  do  with  the  "next  of  kin,"  show  that 
property  belonged  to  the  family  rather  than  to  the  individual  and 
back  of  it  all  lay  the  claim  of  the  State  to  ultimate  ownership. 
Thus  men  were  judged  by  the  city  at  large  as  good  or  bad  citizens 
according  to  their  administration  of  their  own  estates.  Timarchos 
had  squandered  his,  therefore  he  was  a  bad  citizen  ;^^  Theaetetos  of 
Sunium  inherited  a  considerable  fortune  and  this  was  considered 
to  be  a  proof  of  his  father's  good  character. ^^  In  the  Clouds  the 
Attic  patriot,  Pasias,  thinks  it  an  injury  to  his  country  for  him  to 
give  out  any  monies  from  his  estate,  except  under  the  compulsion 
of  a  law-suit. ^0  The  State  demanded  as  qualifications  for  its  highest 
offices  that  a  man  have  these  two  ties  to  his  country — marriage 
and  property.  A  man  could  not  become  strategos  unless  he  were 
married  and  possessed  an  estate  in  Attica. ^^ 

85  If  Cleisthenes  had  put  another  city  deme  in  the  same  tribe,  could  the  city 
ykvri  thus  have  controlled  that  tribe?  Such  was  the  population,  political  power, 
and  prestige  of  this  city  deme. 

«« Homer:  Iliad  XXIII,  832-835. 

«^  Homer:  Iliad  Y.  158. 

**  Cf.  ohaiav  avkfjLTjTov  in  (Dem.)  XLIV,  10.  Aesch.  1,  102.  See  Jevons,  Kin 
and  Custom  in  Journal  of  Philology  XVI,  103,  where  he  quotes  Harp.  KoivoovlkSs,  etc. 

89  Plat.  Theaet.  144  C. 

»"Arist.:  Clouds  1220. 

^^Lys.  XXIV,  13.  Poll.  8,  97.  Etym.  Mag.  s.  v.  &<t>eXi]s.  (Dem.)  LIX,  75. 
Dein.  I,  71. 


44  THE  DEMESMAN  IN  ATTIC  LIFE 

Inside  this  came  the  claim  of  the  deme.  An  estate  ought  not 
to  be  inherited  by  a  man  of  another  deme  and  tribe. ^^  yiQ^^  horn. 
another  deme  were  obliged  to  pay  a  tax  to  the  deme  in  which  they 
held  property ^^  and  taxes  were  assessed  by  demes.^^  On  the  death 
of  its  owners  an  estate  could  revert  to  the  deme  and  estates  owned 
by  the  deme  could  be  leased  to  members  of  that  deme  or  to  others 
for  certain  specified  periods. ^^^ 

Thus  the  family,  so  far  as  property  is  concerned,  is  a  unit  in 
the  deme  just  as  the  deme  is  a  unit  in  the  State — this  is  the  secular 
side;  but  it  is  the  first  obligation  of  the  family  to  maintain  its  cult 
from  the  proceeds  of  its  estate  and  here  the  phratry  is  the  link. 
The  behavior  of  the  demesmen  in  Isaeus  has  been  true  to  these  two 
principles  and  has  brought  them  out  with  greater  distinctness.  So 
with  the  rest  of  the  Orators  we  find  the  same  leading  factors. 

Thus  Lycurgus  in  the  prosecution  of  Leochares  tells  how  he  dis- 
posed of  his  estate  when  he  fled  to  Megara  and  deserted  the  State. 
The  men  who  take  over  this  estate  are  given  a  demotikon — Antigenes 
of  Xypete  and  Amyntas  who  might  have  been  of  the  same  deme,  as 
he  married  his  sister,  and  again  Timochares  of  Acharnae  and  his 
brother-in-law  Lysikles.  The  money  is  sent  on  to  Leochares  in  the 
care  of  Philomelos  of  Cholargos  and  Menelaos.  And  there  are  no 
more  demotika  mentioned  in  this  speech.  But  the  oath  which  was 
taken  by  every  Athenian  when  he  was  entered  upon  the  register  of 
his  deme  is  given  in  §  77.  The  men  mentioned  in  connection  with 
Leochares  are  from  city  and  country  demes.  Their  politics  it  is 
easy  to  comprehend. 

Isokrates  mentions  two  demesmen:  Nt/co/xaxos  Bar^^ei^  and 
$tXcof'  6  Ik  KotXrys.^^  The  official  form  is  used  in  the  first  and  the 
popular  in  the  second  (to  avoid  hiatus?).  There  is  a  lacuna  after 
the  first  but  the  second  was  a  formal  defendant  in  a  case  which  the 
State  did  not  prosecute.  Wherever  a  man  is  mentioned  in  con- 
nection with  the  law  his  demotikon  is  appropriate.  The  epideiktic 
orator  will,  therefore,  make  little  use  of  the  demesman. 

92Dem.XLIII,  64. 

93  (Dem.)  L,  8.     Cf.  Aristophanes,  Knights  925. 

w  (Dem.)  L.  8. 

»5  Roberts-Gardner:  Introd.  Gk.  Epig.  II,  p.  371,  no.  129. 

wisocr.XVIII,  10,  22. 


THE  DEMESMAN  IN  THE  ORATORS  45 

Demosthenes  uses  the  demotikon  with  as  much  variety  as  Isaeus. 
It  occurs  most  of  course  in  the  private  speeches, ^^  for  in  the  dehbera- 
tive  speech  there  is  Httle  place  for  the  demesman  except  where  he 
is  introduced  or  characterized  by  his  demotikon,  since  the  public 
speech  is  concerned  more  with  the  business  of  the  State  and  as 
TToXtTT^s  the  citizen  can  be  directly  related  to  the  State.  The 
demotikon  Haiavitvs,  in  Aeschines'  oration  against  Ktesiphon, 
illustrates  this^^  and  the  three  demotika  in  Demosthenes'  reply  are 
significant.^^  Philokrates,  the  Hagnusian,  is  mentioned  as  an  asso- 
ciate of  Aeschines — but  "he  has  nothing  in  common  with  me,"  the 
orator  is  quick  to  say.^^^  Again,  Aeschines  and  the  speaker  are 
contrasted  by  their  deme  names,  there  being  in  this  a  sort  of  char- 
acterization. The  demotikon  is  personal  anywhere,  as  is  shown  from 
Aristophanes;  its  application  may  often  become  personality. 

The  demesman  appears  in  Demosthenes  in  lists — the  simplest 
way  of  introducing  names.  The  fact  of  the  Ust  insures  the  short 
form;  the  father's  name  may  be  omitted.  The  tribes  listed  their 
members  by  demes.  The  official  form  is,  therefore,  the  short  form, 
since  the  State  uses  the  tribe  as  an  administrative  unit  wherever 
feasible.  When  the  tribe  is  concerned  with  internal  affairs  a  man 
will  have  his  full  name  but  neither  the  law  nor  business  took  cog- 
nizance of  such  niceties.  So  arbitrators, ^^^  judges^^^  and  witnesses 
to  a  deposition,^^^  though  in  legal  forms  the  freer  form  with  the 
article  may  be  retained.^^^  In  his  public  life  the  Athenian  is  still 
a  demesman  whether  a  candidate  for  office^^^  or  a  member  of  the 
Boule.io^    Members  of  the  Boul^  would  be  designated  by  their 

"  The  relative  occurrence  of  deme  names  and  demotika  in  Demosthenes  is  shown 
in  the  following  table: 

Deliberative  Public  Prosecutions  Private  Speeches 

brjuoTLKb.  3  23  32 

Demes  21  15  4 

dTjixoTrjs  1  0  18 

9«  Aesch.  Ill,  171,  172. 
99Dem.  XVIII,  21,  129,  180. 
"oDem.  XVIII,  21. 
"1  Dem.  XX,  146,  XXI.  83;  XL.  16. 
102  Dem.  XXXIX.  10. 
^03  Dem.  XXVII,  14.    But  esp.  LIV.  31. 

'^  Dem.  XXI,  62,  64,  103;  XXIV,  139;  XXXIX,  37;  XL,  16;  LIV,  31;  LVII,  43, 
68,  69. 

i<»  Dem.  XXI.  200. 

io«  Dem.  XXII,  40;  XXIII,  13;  XXIV,  71;  XXXIX,  10. 


46  THE  DEMESMAN  IN  ATTIC  LIFE 

demotika}^''  In  fact  this  might  be  one  of  the  chief  uses  of  the 
deme-name.^°^ 

In  private  Hfe  marriage  and  property  are,  as  we  have  seen  in 
Isaeus,  of  the  most  concern  to  the  State.  Demosthenes  is  not  so 
full  as  Isaeus  of  information  in  these  things;  just  as  in  Isaeusdemes- 
men  are  mentioned  in  accounts  of  marriages  ;^09  and  in  business 
deals  the  demesmen  figure  also,  for  these  might  come  up  before  the 
courts  [a  possibility  not  to  be  neglected]  for  interpretation. ^^^  In 
public  life  the  demotika  are  of  less  consequence  and  appear  chiefly  in 
introductions.  A  demesman  who  is  involved  in  a  law-suit  or  a 
pubHc  prosecution  is  made  known  to  the  larger  audience  as  it  were; 
this  audience  is  the  city  at  large,  the  TroXtrat.  Thus  the  demes- 
man is  introduced  in  a  narrative,  in  a  short  allusion  to  an  episode, 
or  the  allusion  may  have  characterization  for  its  purpose. ^^^ 

Orations  XXXIX  and  XL  present  two  demesmen  of  Thorikos 
contending  for  the  same  name — and  the  same  estate^^^ — ^cmd  oration 
LVII  gives  the  history  of  a  cabal  gotten  up  against  a  former  demarch 
of  Halimus  by  the  men  of  his  deme  to  oust  him  from  the  citizen- 
ship.i^^  ^  cabal  of  this  kind  would  not  have  stood  such  a  chance 
of  success  in  a  larger  deme^^*  but  the  smaller  demes  were  more 
exposed  to  corrupt  practices. 

In  military  and  naval  affairs,  as  in  taxation,  Demosthenes  like 
Isaeus  shows  the  deme  as  the  administrative  unit.  By  demes  the 
men  are  enHsted  and  contributions  levied.  Thus  catalogues  of  the 
demesmen  and  returns  of  sailors  are  made  by  the  demarchs  and 
bouleutai^^^ — and  a  trierarch  draws  his  supplies  from  his  own  deme 
as  a  rule.^^^ 

Aeschines  in  his  Oration  against  Timarchos  has  given  us  a  series 
of  episodes  linked  together  to  give  a  characterization  of  Timarchos. 

"7  Dem.  XXII,  40.     Cf.  Lys.  XXX,  10. 

"8  (Dem.  XXI,  62.) 

109  Dem.  XXII,  60;  XXVII,  4.    Dem.  XXIX.  48.     Dem.  LVII.  38.  41. 

"oDem.  XVII,  56;XL,  6: 

'''Episode  Dem.  XXI,  62,  64,  174,  208  (?);  LIV,  7,  10.  Narrative,  XLI,  3; 
LVII,  37.     Characterization,  XVIII.  180. 

"2  Dem.  XXXIX.  6. 

"3Dem.LVn.  8. 

1"  Dem.  LVII,  56,  57. 

115  [Dem.]  L.  6. 

11^  [Dem.]  L.  7.  This  trierarch  is  disUked  by  the  men  of  his  deme  and  they  fail 
him.  But  he  owns  property  in  three  demes  and  the  State  assesses  him  threefold.  Cf . 
Aristoph.:  Knights,  925. 


THE  DEMESMAN  IN  THE  ORATORS  47 

In  each  of  them  a  demesman  may  appear  if  not  already  known 
with  his  demotikon}'^'^ 

In  Hypereides  it  happens  that  we  find  reference  made  to  demes- 
men  to  whom  the  Athenians  had  meted  out  quick  justice,  or  should 
have  done  so  in  the  opinion  of  the  speechwright.  These  references 
are  legal  allusions,  references  to  some  ypa(j>ri  irapavbyioiv}^^  But 
the  demesmen  appear  also  in  a  business  capacity,  going  security  for 
a  friend^^^  or  taking  charge  of  a  written  contract.^^^  And  in  oration 
IV  a  demesmen  of  Aphidna  is  reproached  for  being  an  oligarch  and 
a  traitor,  when  he  belongs  to  such  a  deme  which  enjoys  special 
immunities  from  the  State,  and  he  ought  to  be  all  the  more  worthy 
of  such  ancestors  as  Harmodius  and  Aristogeiton. 

Deinarchos  introduces  the  demesman  in  episode  ^^^  and  uses  the 
demotikon  also  in  mentioning  members  of  the  BouM.^^^ 

117  Aesch.  I,  41,  43,  53,  54  (Hegesander  is  known),  56,  62,  63,  64,  65  (he  calls  a 
witness),  98  (a  demesman  purchases  a  piece  of  property),  100  (a  man  of  Timarchos' 
own  deme  is  called  upon  to  testify  against  him),  so  too  104,  (the  witness  here  is  his 
uncle),  110,  114.  (Cf.  Dem.  LVII  and  Lys.  XXIII),  156  (introduction  of  demesman), 
157,  158  (legal — reference  to  a  suit  before  the  Archon),  172. 

"8  Hyp.  I,  26,  13;  III,  3,  26.     Cf.  Ill,  12,  34;  IV,  35. 

ii^Hyp.V.  9,  20. 

120  Hyp.  V.  9. 

i2iDein.  I,  23! 

122  Dein.  1, 38  (Thrason  of  Erchia  is  mentioned  in  company  with  three  other  citizens. 
It  can  hardly  be  that  the  demotika  are  omitted  because  these  men  were  so  well  known. 
Otherwise — cf.  sec.  43 — how  many  men  must  have  been  well  known.  In  sec.  58 
Polyeuktos  of  Kydantidae  is  evidently  a  fiovXevrris;  and  possibly  so  was  Thrason, 
as  well  as  Kephalos  of  Kollytos,  who  is  mentioned  in  company  with  Archinos. 


CHAPTER  VII 
The  Social  Unity  of  the  Deme 

It  appears,  then,  that  the  reorganization  of  the  Athenian  consti- 
tution by  Cleisthenes,  though  a  piece  of  party  politics  as  well  as 
the  work  of  an  astute  statesman,  was  a  shifting  of  the  foundations 
of  government  from  the  gentile  towards  the  geographic  principle. 
The  effect  of  this  upon  the  Hfe  of  the  citizens  has  been  indicated 
from  the  picture  given  by  Aristophanes  and  the  Orators.  It  remains 
to  see  more  definitely  what  the  effect  of  the  local  principle  is  upon 
the  demesman  in  his  capacity  of  citizen  and  private  individual  and 
to  illustrate  the  application  of  this  principle  by  some  cases  in  which 
the  demesman  plays  a  conspicuous  role.  There  is  more  in  the 
deme  than  its  religious,  poHtical  and  commercial  sides:  it  has  a 
social  unity  and  the  tie  which  unites  the  demesmen  is  a  social  bond. 
Demesmen  who  lead  the  common  life,  who  have  so  many  mutual 
interests  and  obligations,  will  not  only  feel  a  very  keen  interest  in 
the  welfare  of  its  members  and  the  prosperity  of  their  deme  but  the 
State  through  its  courts  is  able  to  insure  for  every  citizen  the  per- 
formance of  those  social  services  that  he  owes  his  deme  if  he  is  to 
be  a  TroXiTrjs    xpv^tos 

The  demesman  is  bound  to  his  deme  from  birth  till  death,  and 
even  after  death.  For  membership  in  a  deme  is  a  social  bond 
which  rests  upon  the  twofold  basis  of  the  gentile  fiction  and  the 
local  fact.  A  citizen  is  born  in  the  deme  of  his  father.  He  is 
educated  with  the  other  boys  of  his  tribe. ^  As  an  ephebe  he  is 
enrolled  in  the  Xrj^Lapxi-Kdv  ypafx/jiaTelov  and  is  entitled  to  in- 
herit in  the  deme  —  he  becomes  a  citizen.  On  the  deme  registra- 
tion depends  his  right  of  military  and  public  duties  and  privileges. 
His  services  to  the  State  are  directed  by  the  deme  and  the  tribe, 
both  the  services  of  his  person  and  his  property,  the  tribe  concern- 
ing itself  chiefly  with  the  person,  the  deme  with  the  property. 

When  a  citizen  enters  upon  any  public  office  as  he  comes  from  a 
deme  it  is  important  that  the  deme  be  known  i^  his  military  service 
is  a  public  service  of  as  much  consequence  as  his  presence  in  the 
Court  or  the  Assembly.^ 

1  Dem.  XXXIX  and  XL. 

2  Arist.  "A^.  TToX.  63. 

3Lys.  XVI,  14;  XX,  23;  XXXI,  16,  18.  Isaeus  II,  42.  Dem.  XLVII,  22:  L, 
6  and  7. 


THE  SOCIAL  UNITY  OF  THE  DEME  49 

The  demesman  received  from  the  State  a  part  of  the  public 
wealth  in  public  distributions/  the  decopLKov,  ixiados  eKKKrjaLaaTLKos 
and  iJLLados  huaariKos.  And  other  distributions  could  be  made  in 
the  marketplace  of  the  demes.^ 

Before  the  courts  the  demesman  is  known  by  his  demotikon.^ 
It  is  chiefly  as  principal  in  some  suit  that  it  is  most  essential  for 
him  to  establish  beyond  the  shadow  of  a  doubt  his  status  as  a  citizen 
and  member  of  a  deme.^  It  is  in  some  public  prosecutions  that  he 
appears  most  concerned  with  public  affairs,^  but  as  a  witness  he  is 
of  the  greatest  service^  and  he  is  much  consulted  on  questions  of 
citizenship.^*^ 

In  the  business  world  the  demesman  is  equally  at  home.  He 
buys  and  rents  lands  and  houses/^  his  name  is  required  on  con- 
tracts^^  and  enters  into  loans  and  debts,  whenever  the  history  of 
the  transaction  has  to  be  given. ^^  He  may  go  surety  for  a  friend, 
who  is  most  probably  of  the  same  deme,^^  although  the  business 
world  less  than  the  political  is  affected  by  the  obligation  of  the 
local  principle.  In  it  a  <i>i\os  need  be  neither  Krjdearrjs  nor 
drjfjLOTTjs,  it  is  a  field  in  which  men  consult  their  own  advantage 
and  a  (jylXos  is  eTrtriySetos. 

One  indication  of  the  solidarity  of  the  deme,  which  resists  the 
disintegrating  effects  of  this  commercial  spirit,  is  the  prejudice 
against  the  ownership  of  land  by  an  outsider.. ^^  He  is  therefore 
compelled  to  pay  a  tax  on  all  property  he  may  come  to  possess  in  the 
deme.  His  interests  may  often  be  different  or  even  directly  opposed 
to  those  of  the  community.  Then,  too,  a  man  will  hesitate  to  part 
with  his  ancestral  estate  since  on  his  deme,  and  his  registration  in  it, 

*  Arist.  'Ad.  TToX.  27,  4;  28,  3.    Dem.  XLIV,  37,  38.    Hyp.  I,  26,  13. 

5  Roberts-Gardner,  Introd.  Gk.  Epig.  II,  211. 

«  Dem.  XXXIX,  10,  37.     Father's  name  here  also. 

7  Isaeus  III,  2;  VIII,  3.  Dem.  LVII. 

8  Dem.  XXI,  103.    Aristoph.  Wasps,  895.    Arist.  'AB.  to\.  31,  4. 

9  Isaeus  II,  45;  VI,  10.  Lys.  XXIII,  4;  XXXI,  16.  Dem.  LVII,  21,  23,  24,  40, 
69.  Arist.  'Ad.  iro\.  59,  12.  On  witnesses  in  general  see  Isaeus  III,  19  ff.  and  cf.  Lys. 
XXIII,  3  £f.  Also  Isaeus  IX,  18,  where  the  witnesses  will  not  testify  against  a  demes- 
man. 

lOLys.  XXIIL 

''  Isaeus  II,  29.    Dem.  LIII,  13.    Aesch.  I,  98.  Hyp.  V,  3. 

»2Hyp.  V,  8. 

"  Dem.  XXXVII,  4. 

1*  Isaeus  V,  18. 

"  The  basis  of  this  is  the  gentile  principle  and  their  association  in  the  local  cult. 


50  THE  DEMESMAN  IN  ATTIC  LIFE 

depends  his  citizenship.  When  a  demesman  wastes  his  paternal 
inheritance,  as  Timarchos  of  Sphettos  did,^^  or  sells  it  outright,  as 
Leokrates  did,^^  he  is  a  bad  citizen,  unmindful  of  his  duty  to  the 
State.  So  the  demesman  will  rather  endeavor  to  increase  his  prop- 
erty in  the  deme^^  and  when  he  is  obhged  to  adopt  a  son  will  prefer 
one  of  his  own  deme  and  so,  too,  in  a  wilP^  his  object  will  be  to  have 
a  kinsman  and  demesman  inherit.^^  But  this  is  not  always  the 
case  and  it  came  about  that  since  the  demes  are  divisions  of  the  citi- 
zen body  as  well  as  local  districts  they  could  include  residents  from 
other  demes  in  their  property  census.  A  certain  Aristophanes  of  a 
city  deme,  possibly  Kydathenaeon,  has  a  small  property  at  Rham- 
nus.2^  Hagnias  of  Oion  owns  land  in  Araphen,^^  Phaenippos  who 
has  been  adopted  by  his  father-in-law,  a  demesman  of  Kolone,  owns 
property  in  Kytheros,^  ApoUodoros,  son  of  Pasion  of  Acharnae,  is 
returned  in  three  demes,^  Timarchos  of  Sphettos  owns  property  in 
Alopeke,  which  probably  came  from  his  mother's  family,^^  and 
Alcibiades  of  Scambonidae  has  property  in  Erchia.^^  But  as  a  rule 
the  demesman  aims  to  retain  his  estate  in  his  own  deme,  although 
he  may  threaten  to  marry  or  to  adopt  a  son  outside  the  deme  in 
order  to  annoy  his  relatives.^^  Outside  possessions  are  secondary. 
The  deme  links  him  to  the  State  and  he  will  make  that  bond  as 
secure  as  he  can.  For  he  inherits  the  obUgations  of  his  oIkos  to 
the  State  as  well  as  the  property^^  which  may  descend  with  the 
name.2^  For  the  kXtjpos  is  ultimately  a  part  of  the  pubHc  domain 
and  belongs  to  the  State,  which  makes  possible  the  security  and 

"  Aeschines  I. 

"  Lycurgus  I,  22,  folw. 

"  Isaeus  VIII.  35.  Dioklea  of  Phlys  is  trying  to  get  control  of  an  estate  part  of 
which  is  in  his  own  deme.     Cf.  VIII,  3. 

^'  Isaeus  VI,  3.  But  adoption  is  not  limited  to  demesmen.  Roberts-Gardner  II, 
no.  384. 

20Dem.  XXVII,  4;  XXXVI,  8:  XI,  64,  111;  XLIV,  26,  28. 

21  Lys.  XIX,  28. 

22Dem.  XLIII,  70. 

23  Dem.  XLII,  5.    The  father-in-law's  deme  was  Kolone  or  Kolonai,  not  Kolonos. 

^*  Dem.  L,  8.    His  father  willed  his  widow  to  his  demesman.    XXXVI,  8. 

25  Aesch.  I,  107. 

2«  Plato,  Alcib.  I,  123.  Cf.  Thucyd.  VI,  92,  in  which  Alcibiades  speaks  of  his 
"love  of  country." 

27  Isaeus  VI,  22. 

28  Dem.  XLIV.    Isaeus  VII,  30.    Lysias  XIV,  30. 

29  Isaeus  II,  36. 


THE  SOCIAL  UNITY  OF  THE  DEME  51 

prosperity  of  the  oIkos^^  and  Pasias  in  the  Clouds^^  is  really  over- 
zealous  about  this — being  perhaps  a  new  citizen. 

Being  as  has  been  seen  neighbor  and  friend,  the  demesman  is 
often  appealed  to  and  for  everything  from  criticism  and  advice  to 
sympathy  and  assisitance.^^  Thus  Admetus  is  afraid  of  what  his 
demesmen  will  say;^^  and  there  was  a  moral  obligation  to  help  a 
fellow  demesman. ^^  Upon  a  man's  activity  in  such  matters  depends, 
his  standing  in  his  own  deme  and  in  the  State.  As  Cimon  had 
shown  by  his  generosity  to  his  demesmen,  this  was  the  avenue  to 
political  influence.^^  Demesmen  and  tribesmen  will  be  active  in 
their  mutual  interests, ^^  the  goodwill  of  the  men  of  one's  deme  is 
highly  desirable  and  it  is  a  contemptible  thing  to  give  evidence 
against  a  fellow  demesman.^^ 

Two  of  the  best  qualifications  of  a  friend  are  that  he  is  one's 
ri\LKL6)Tr)s  and  drjfxorrjs — like  the  XapKos  in  the  Acharnians,  as  well 
as  the  more  serious  Krito  to  Socrates. ^^  And  there  is  a  reverse 
to  the  picture.  One's  very  worst  enemies  can  be  one's  demesmen^^ 
and  the  most  annoying  can  be  one's  neighbors,'^*^  so  that  a  feud  in  a 
deme  is  likely  to  become  a  very  Hvely  affair."^ 

30  Lys.  XIV,  30. 

31  Aristoph.  aoM^5,  1219. 

32Aristoph.  Acharnians  318,  327,  Clouds  1328.  Lysistrata  685.  Ekkleisazusae 
1023,  1115.    Plutus  254,  322.     Cf.  Lys.  XXVII,  12. 

33  Eurip.  Alcestis  1057.    The  effect  of  btjubTai  here  may  be  comic. 

34  Lys.  XIII,  55.  Dem.  XL,  52.  Cf.  XXXV,  6.  Arist.  'Ad.  wo\.  27,  14. 
Aesch.  I,  63.    Plat.  Theages  121  D.  Plut.  Cimon  X,  482 

35  Aristoph.  Peace  919.  Clouds  1210.  Lys.  XVI,  8.  XX,  2,  12,  13.  Aesch.  II, 
150.    Plat.  Theages  127  E.    Arist.  Ad.  ttoX.  27;  Plut.  Cimon  X. 

^'^  Aristoph.  Acharnians  332.  Lys.  XXVII,  12.  (Tribesmen).  Dem.  L,  21,  47, 
XXIX,  23. 

37  Dem.  LII,  28. 

38  Plato  Apol.  35  D,  Laches  180  C  and  D. 

39  Isaeus  XII,  Aristoph.  Clouds  1219. 

4"  Isaeus  IX,  Dem.  LVII,  and  Plato  in  his  Laws  843-844  gives  careful  directions 
for  legal  remedies  to  prevent  the  annoyances  caused  by  neighbors.  Cf .  Hesiod,  Works 
and  Days  335-361. 

*i  Even  between  certain  of  the  demes  there  appear  to  have  been  feuds  at  one  time 
due  chiefly  to  the  rivalry  of  the  great  families  for  political  ascendancy  as  the  deme  is 
often  controlled  by  one  family  (J.  H.  Wright  in  Harvard  Studies  III,  71  and  VIII,  20). 
The  feud  of  the  Lycomidae  and  the  Alcmaeonidae  led  to  enmity  between  Phlya  and 
Agraule  and  the  feud  of  the  Alcmaeonidae  with  the  Paeonidae  set  their  demes  at 
variance  (the  Alcmaeonidae  controlled  more  than  one  deme).  That  these  feuds  were 
between  neighbors  and  kindred  clans  far  from  diminishing  rather  increased  their  bit- 


52  THE  DEMESMAN  IN  ATTIC  LIFE 

A  further  indication  of  the  solidarity  of  the  deme  appears  in 
the  use  of  the  demotikon  in  characterization.  Characterization 
rests  on  the  local  principle.  The  states  of  Hellas  are  characterized 
according  to  local  variation. ^^  ^^d  it  is  very  often  to  make  unfa- 
vorable comparisons  as  the  stories  about  Seriphos  show.^^  Loca- 
tion and  the  character  of  its  registration  will  determine  the  charac- 
ter of  a  deme  and  the  reputation  that  will  attach  itself  to  the  mem- 
bers of  the  deme.  Thus  Potamos,  Suniun  and  Halimus  were  not 
in  good  repute.  The  Acharnians  are  noted  for  their  bravery  in 
war,^^  the  Prospaltians  for  their  Utigiousness/^  and  perhaps  its 
informers  had  given  to  Aixone  that  reputation  for  a  deme  of 
slanderers  which  Laches  wished  to  disclaim. ^^  That  such  a  char- 
acterization is  common  enough  is  shown  by  the  deme  Kompase 
which  Aristophanes  invents  for  Proxenides  the  Braggart. ^^  And 
one  may  infer  from  the  fact  of  such  plays  as  the  A^/xot  of  Eupolis 
and  the  ArjfWTaL  of  Hermippos  that  a  general  character  was  recog- 
nized as  belonging  to  the  demes.  LocaHty  determined  this.  For 
the  distinction  aimed  at  was  a  distinction  between  city  and  country. 

terness.  Thus  the  Peisistratidae  whenever  they  conquered  the  Alcmaeonidae  razed 
their  dwellings  and  dug  up  their  graves  (Isocrates  XVI,  25).  Pallene  and  Hagnus  were 
hostile  demes  in  the  time  of  Theseus  (Plut.  Thes.  13  and  for  discussion  A.  M.  XVI,  206). 
With  the  new  order  of  Cleisthenes  it  was  harder  for  the  old  feuds  to  persist  between 
demes.  Rather  they  are  moved  inside  the  deme  where  in  the  fiercer  political  rivalry 
between  individuals  if  two  men  happen  to  be  of  the  same  deme  it  will  sharpen  their 
enmity  or  strengthen  their  friendship,  depending,  of  course,  upon  the  character  of  the 
deme.  Thus  Isocrates  and  Xenophon,  who  were  of  the  same  deme,  Erchia,  must  cer- 
tainly have  disliked  each  other  but  their  dislike  is  restrained  (This  was  consonant 
with  the  character  of  the  deme  as  well  as  with  their  own.  Cf.  Young,  Erchia  48. 
For  the  literary  feud  between  them  see  Ivo  Bruns,  Das  Liter arische  Portrat  der  Griechen 
126  ff.,  132  ff.,  138.  See  also  Teichmiiller,  Litterarische  Fehden  im  4.  Jahrhundert  vor 
Christus) .  With  Cleon  and  Aristophanes,  who  were  of  the  deme  Kydathenaeon,  the  hos- 
tility is  somewhat  more  evident  (Bruns,  op.  cit.  173-176,  428.)  and  it  was  a  man  of  his 
own  deme,  Demades,  who  endeavored  to  supplant  Demosthenes  of  Paeania  in  his  lead- 
ership of  the  Athenians  and  who  was  one  of  the  leaders  of  the  opposing  party. 

*2  Dion.  Hal.  Ars.  Rhet.  XI,  5.  On  all  this  see  Haussoulier  La  Vie  Municipale  en 
Attique.     196-200. 

*3  Aristophanes,  Acharnians  542,  Plato,  Rep.  329  E. 

^  Pindar,  Nem.  II.     Aristoph.  Acharnians  675. 

*^  Plato,  Cratylus  396  D.  Suidas  and  Etym.  Mag.  v.  TlpoairaXT.  See  M.  Carroll, 
The  Athens  of  Aristophanes  in  Studies  in  Honor  of  Professor  Gildersleeve,  p.  244. 

*«  Plat.  Laches  197  C.  Harp.  v.  Ai^o}prj(TLv  Suid.  Al^coj/eta. 

*^  Aristoph.  Birds  1126  and  Schol.  on  same.  There  is  characterization  also  in 
Lys.  XVI,  15.  Dem.  XVIII,  180.    Aesch.  Ill,  194. 


THE  SOCIAL  UNITY  OF  THE  DEME  53 

ArjfxoL  probably  meant  the  country  demes,^^  ArjfjiOTaL  the  country 
demesmen. 

The  feeling  of  the  social  bond  of  the  deme  is  very  much  alive  in 
the  sketches  of  Attic  Hfe  given  by  Plato  in  his  dialogues.  One  man 
who  claims  descent  from  the  founder  or  apxny^T"n^  of  his  deme 
writes  a  poem  to  show  what  good  friends  his  noble  ancestor  used  to 
be  with  Herakles,  which  was,  as  we  have  seen  quite  in  line  with  the 
religious  character  to  which  the  deme  aspired  in  imitation  of  the 
7eVos;^^  the  association  of  the  demesmen  in  a  common  cult  is  a 
means,  it  is  to  be  presumed,  of  their  becoming  better  acquainted 
with  one  another  ;^^  a  man  who  has  neglected  to  consult  his  demes- 
man  in  planning  his  son's  education  is  advised  to  correct  the  omiss- 
ion f^  and  Socrates  points  to  his  friend  and  demesman  in  court  with 
his  other  friends  there  present  as  witnesses  of  his  entire  innocence 
and  respectabiUty.3^  That  a  citizen  is  honored  by  his  demesmen 
is  mentioned  as  of  equal  importance  with  the  fact  that  he  is  hon- 
ored by  the  city  too;^^  ^^d  another  citizen,  whose  demesmen  have 
been  to  town  and  brought  back  to  him  all  the  latest  news,  can- 
not rest  until  he  shall  have  found  a  sophist  to  make  him  wise 

*8  Aristophanes,  Ootids  966,  seems  to  indicate  that  certain  parts  of  the  city  were 
called  Kufxai.  and  their  inhabitants  KoiixtjraL  So,  too,  Lys.  5.  Sauppe  {De  demis 
urbanis  Ath.  p.  11)  cites  this  and  also  Isoc.  VII,  46,  from  which  it  seems  the  city 
demes  were  called  /cw/xat,  the  country  districts  brjixoi.  Of  course,  technically,  the 
demes  were  in  the  city  as  well  as  in  the  country,  but  in  popular  speech  the  city  dis- 
tricts being  really  all  inhabited  in  all  their  parts  could  very  properly  be  called  KcoAiai; 
whereas  the  country  districts  included  villages  and  village  domain  imder  the  one  word 
S^juos-  The  city  districts  were  actually  Kco/xat;  the  KOinti  and  the  bi}nos  of  the 
country  did  not  coincide.  See  p.  5.  Haussoulier  explains  that  the  Kw/xat  are  sub- 
divisions of  the  city  demes,  quartiers  as  the  French  say,  and  that  they  made  it  easier 
to  police  the  city  (La  Vie  Municipale  en  Attique,  p.  183).  Cf.  Photius,  s.  v.  Kcb/xTji/. 
In  a  decree  of  the  deme  Scambonidae  (See  Roberts- Gardner,  Introd.  Gk.  Epig.  II,  211) 
a  KufjLapxos  is  mentioned,  and  the  editors  note  that  Attica  was  divided  into  Kw/xat  as 
well  as  demes,  adding,  Why  not  say  that  the  words  were  interchangeable?  But  Scam- 
bonidae was  a  city  deme,  and  it  seems  reasonable  to  suppose  that  the  city  demes  were 
first  organized  as  demes  by  Cleisthenes  and  the  country  demes  politically  defined  as 
elements  in  the  government.  Then  the  city  districts  could  very  easily  continue  to  be 
called  Kw/xai  rather  than  Sijixoi,  and  SijfjLOL  would  more  naturally  be  taken  to  refer  to 
the  country  demes.  See  Dyer,  Ancient  Athens,  page  108  and  Botsford,  Athenian 
Constitution,  pp.  83  and  85-86. 

"  Lysis  205  D.     See  further  A.  Lang,  The  World  of  Homer,  pp.  154-160. 

50  Laches  180  C. 

''Laches  ISO  D. 

«  Theages  127  E. 


54  THE  DEMESMAN  IN  ATTIC  LIFE 

also.^^  And  the  deme  is,  in  Plato's  mind,  an  essential  element  in  the 
ideal  state;  for  he  thinks  that  the  number  of  phratries  should  be 
commensurate  with  that',  of  the  drjfxoi  and  Kcojuat,^^  and  that  the 
citizen  should  be  designated  by  his  father's  name,  tribe  name,  and 
the  name  of  the  deme  to  which  he  belonged.^^ 

53  Theages  121  D. 
"  Laws  746  D. 
^' Laws  753  C. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

Thucydides  and  Retrospect 

In  Aristophanes  the  demes  are  seen  from  the  Theatre,  in  the 
Orators  from  the  Bema — both  inside  the  State.  To  give  the  pic- 
ture its  proper  historical  perspective  a  view  from  the  outside  is 
demanded.  Such  is  to  be  found  in  Thucydides  who  wrote  his 
history  from  the  outside.  It  is  the  citizen,  not  the  demesman,  who 
plays  his  part  in  the  stirring,  bitter  story.  So  Thucydides  does  not 
use  the  term  drjiddrrjs  at  all  nor  the  demotikon  with  proper  names ; 
the  ethnikon  was  naturally  more  in  keeping  or  else  the  father's  name. 
The  story  was  written  for  all  Hellas,  not  merely  for  an  Attic  audi- 
ence. Local  poHtics,  local  distinctions  would  have  been  out  of 
place.  Besides,  the  deme  arrangement  in  the  first  place  was  not 
only  a  division  of  the  land  of  Attica  but  of  the  citizen  body.  It 
is  true  that  the  first  enrollment  had  been  made  according  to  resi- 
dence but  each  citizen's  descendants  remained  in  the  deme  in 
which  he  had  been  registered,  no  matter  what  their  residence 
might  be.  During  the  Peloponnesian  war  the  citizens  became  still 
further  separated  from  their  demes;  the  demotikon  had  become 
practically  equal  to  the  gentile  name,  which  it  had  originally  dis- 
placed. 

There  are  several  demes  mentioned  but  it  is  their  military  impor- 
tance in  nearly  every  case  and  the  largest  of  the  demes,  Acharnai, 
naturally  receives  most  attention,  from  the  Lacedaemonians  as  well 
as  the  historian.^  This  is  also  the  sole  demotikon  used  and  it  is 
the  deme  which  is  meant.  Thucydides  mentions  the  following 
demes:  Acharnae  6,  Dekeleia  14,  Eleusis  5,  Thorikos  1,  Thrioa  2, 
Kerameikos  2,  Kolonos  1,  Kropidai  1,  Marathon  4,  Oinoe  7,  Peirai- 
eus  30,  Prasiai  1,  Sunium  2,  Phaleron  1 — 14  localities.  This  in- 
cludes six  of  the  twelve  fortified  posts  in  Attica — Oinoe,  Eleusis, 
Anaphlystos,  Peiraeus,  Sunium,  Thorikos,  Rhamnus,  Aphidna, 
Phyle,  Dekeleia,  Anagyrus,  Panakton  (this  is  not  a  deme).  It 
includes  also  the  chief  secular  deme,  Peiraeus  the  port  of  Athens, 
and  the  chief  religious  deme,  Eleusis. 

Acharnai  and  Thrioa,  Kropidai  and  Oinoe  are  demes  that  fall 
in  the  way  of  the  Lacedaemonian  invasion,  Dekeleia  the  invaders 

1  Thuc.  II,  19,  2.  20,  1,  5.  21,  2.  23,  1.,  the  deme.  II,  20,  4.  21,  3.,  the  demes- 
men.  In  the  fourth  century  this  deme  supplied  22  /SouXeurai  (out  of  the  50  of  its 
tribes).    I  G  II,  868. 


56  THE  DEMESMAN  IN  ATTIC  LIFE 

fortify  in  the  second  part  of  the  war,  following  the  advice  of  Alci- 
biades  and  establishing  a  garrison  there  so  that  this  deme  gave  its 
name  to  that  part  of  the  war,  there  is  a  special  assembly  of  the 
people  at  Kolonos,  Marathon  is  still  a  magic  name  to  invoke  the 
spirit  of  the  Mapado)PoiJLaxoLi  who  drove  back  the  Persians,  Phaleron 
and  Peiraeus  are  the  termini  of  the  Long  Walls,  and  the  Peiraeus 
figures  in  still  more  important  connections,  Sunium,  Thorikos  and 
Prasiai  are  given  a  certain  prominence  by  the  activities  of  the 
Spartan  fleet,  and  the  Kerameikos  here  is  the  Outer  Kerameikos 
where  the  State  honours  its  heroic  dead. 

It  is  only  in  connection  with  the  Peiraeus  that  anything  basic 
is  to  be  found.  Thucydides'  own  deme,  Halimus,  lay  next  to  it 
and  he  must  have  known  the  Peiraeus  and  disliked  it  for  what  it 
represented.^  But  his  history  is  coldly  impartial.  It  was  the 
beginning  of  the  power  of  Athens,^  the  dream  of  Themistokles  made 
actual;  if  the  Athenians  everywhere  else  met  defeat  they  could  go 
down  to  the  Peiraeus  and  stand  off  the  whole  world.  Themistokles 
came  from  a  shore  deme,  Phrearros  down  by  Sunium.  The  Lace- 
daemonians are  encouraged  to  make  their  attempt  on  the  Peiraeus,* 
the  capture  of  the  Long  Walls  and  the  Peiraeus^  dates  a  part  of  the 
history.  When  the  Athenians  hear  of  the  defeat  in  Sicily  their 
first  anxiety  is  for  the  Peiraeus;^  when  the  Four  Hundred  are  in 
power  at  Athens  the  fleet  at  Samos  is  eager  to  sail  at  once  to  the 
Peiraeus'  to  restore  the  democracy,^  and  the  oUgarchs  fortify 
Eetioneia,  the  mole  of  the  Peiraeus^  so  as  to  admit  the  Lacedae- 
monians. The  City  and  the  Peiraeus  are  the  rallying  points  of 
the  opposing  factions  but  they  clash  first  at  the  Peiraeus,^^  the 
new  fortifications  are  demoHshed  and  it  is  only  on  the  approach 
of  the  enemy  that  the  Athenians  forget  their  domestic  strife.^^ 
Even  the  loss  of  Euboea  would  not  shake  them  so  deeply  as  the 
capture  of  the  Peiraeus.^^ 

2  For  he  hated  Cleon  the  chief  exponent  of  its  policy.    A.  J.  P.  XXIV,  376. 

3Thuc.I,93.3,  5,  7. 

*Thuc.  11,94.  1,2,34. 

6  Thuc.  V,  26,  1. 

«  Thuc.  VIII,  1,  2. 

7Thuc.  VIII,82,  1,  2. 

sThuc.  VIII,  86,  4. 

9  Thuc.  VIII,  90,  3. 

"Thuc.VIII,92,  6,9,  10. 

11  Thuc.  VIII,  94,  3. 

12  Thuc.  VIII,  96,  3. 


THUCIDIDES  AND  RETROSPECT  57 

For  a  deme  to  rise  to  a  position  so  overbalancing  in  the  State 
was  something  on  the  consequences  of  which  Cleisthenes  had  not 
reckoned.  And  the  country  demes  were  at  the  same  time  dimin- 
ished in  importance  by  the  devastation  of  the  Peloponnesian  War 
and  the  flight  of  their  inhabitants  to  the  City  and  the  shelter  of 
the  Long  Walls.  There  must  have  resulted  confusions  in  the  deme 
registers  and  the  tie  between  deme  and  demesman  weakened  and 
the  country  demes  had  largely  lost  their  position  in  the  State  as  a 
conservative  factor  in  Athenian  life.  A  rapidly  increasing  prole- 
tariat and  unlimited  democracy  really  meant  the  end  of  the  demes- 
man as  an  institution.  To  Xenophon  who  wrote  a  continuation 
of  the  history  of  Thucydides  the  term  drjjjiOTrjs  had  come  to  mean 
countryman  and  the  larger  poUtical  importance  of  the  demes 
dechned.  It  is  clear  enough  from  the  narrative  of  Thucydides  how 
the  Peiraeus  which  had  begun  by  being  only  the  commercial  outlet 
of  the  City,  fostered  by  its  trade-guilds,  its  population  augmented 
by  ever  larger  numbers  of  metics,  came  to  control  ultimately  the 
poUcies  of  the  State.  The  drama  of  the  Peloponnesian  War  might 
be  viewed  from  a  seat  in  the  Theatre  at  Munychia. 


APPENDIX  I 

The  Significance  of  the  Demotikon 

Before  Cleisthenes  the  Athenians  were  known  by  their  father's 
name  and  patronymic,  or  clan  name,  if  they  belonged  to  a  noble 
gens.  In  the  second  Nemean  Pindar  gives  the  form  TtjuoSiy/xos 
TifMovoov  T LjjLodrrfJLidrjs^  and  as  many  of  the  demes  received  their 
names  from  their  dominant  genos,^  for  many  Athenians  like  AvKovp- 
yos  ' ApLaToXf}8ov  BovTabrjs^  and  the  Aa/ctdSat  there  was  really 
no  change  of  name  beyond  the  omission,  only  in  official  mention 
be  it  noted,  of  the  father's  name.^  And  there  were  at  least  thirty- 
two  such  demes  in  Attica.^  Besides  -drjs  the  most  frequent  suf- 
fix was  -€i>s.  Therefore  Aristophanes  uses  it  when  he  coins  a 
demotikon  Kofxiraaevs.^  Other  demotikas  are  formations  in  -tos, 
e.  g.,  'kcfyibvatos,  liorafXLos.'^  In  the  case  of  some  demesmen  the 
adverbial  form  is  used,  e.g.,  Kokoivrjdev,  not  KcoXcu^^a tos ;  in  the 
case  of  others  the  preposition,  e.  g.,  e^  Otov,  and  where  women 
are  mentioned  the  demotikon  given  is  that  of  the  father  or  hus- 
band.^ 

By  making  the  name  of  the  deme  part  of  the  name  of  the  citizen 
it  was  easy  for  any  man  to  make  good  his  claim  to  be  an  Athenian 
by  giving  his  demotikon,  even  though  the  name  of  his  father  [if  he 
happened  to  have  one  and  if  he  were  an  ex-slave  he  would  not  have  an 
Athenian  father],  might  be  foreign  or  unfamiliar.  Thus  was  accom- 
plished the  purpose  of  Cleisthenes  [notice  the  demes  in  -ibrjs  are  chiefly 
inland  or  city  demes]  IVa  firj  Trarpodep  irpoaayopevopres  e^eXeyx^o^i' 
Tovs  veoTroXiras,  and  the  patronymic  was  replaced  by  the 
demotikon.^  The  official  style  [name  and  demotikon]  is  often  used 
by  the  orators  and  it  is  only  in  the  fourth  century  that  the  father's 
name  gains  a  place  in  official  forms.^^    In  the  inscriptions  name  and 

*  Cf.  Plato  Hipparchos  228  B.  Peisistratos  son  of  Hipparchos  of  the  Philaedae. 
«  Cf.  A.  J.  A.  1889,  313,  citing  Topffer  Attische  Genealogie  p.  289.     Cf.  also  C.  W. 

Peppier,  Comic  Terminations  in  Aristophanes,  (J.  H.  U.  Diss.)  p.  46. 
3  The  genos  changed  its  name  to  'Ereo/SouTdSat. 

*  Cf.  Wyse's  note  on  Isaeus  VI,  9. 

'  Cf.  C.  W.  Peppier:  Comic  Terminations  in  Aristophanes  (  J.  H.  U.  Diss.)  p.  46. 

« Arist.  Birds  1126.    Cf.  Philol.  XX,  587-616. 

'IsaeusV,  26;VI,  22. 

8  Schoeffer  art.  ^rjnoi,  in  Pauly-Wissowa  V,  p.  7. 

'  Schoeffer:  A^/xot  in  Pauly,  Wissowa  V,  6. 

"Aristotle  'AB.  HoX.,  c.  22. 


APPENDIX  59 

demotikon  is  the  regular  official  designation  of  the  citizen.  In 
private  life  the  Athenians  preferred  to  use  the  father's  name  and 
it  is  amusing  to  note  that  the  clerks,  who  had  the  business  of  edit- 
ing official  notices,  would  give  the  other  names  in  the  records 
according  to  the  law  laid  down  by  Cleisthenes  but  would  put  in 
their  father's  names  when  they  mentioned  themselves^^ — outside 
the  body  of  the  notice,  however.  In  comedy  the  characters  intro- 
duce themselves  with  the  demotikon  but  in  address  it  is  rare,  though 
sometimes  in  non-official  language  the  demotikon  alone  is  used. 
From  Plato  it  seems  that  the  form  of  address  current  in  good 
society  was  w  ttoI  'AKovfjLevov.^^     The  personal  name,  father  and 

111,  G.I,  45  and  61. 

^^  VJilsLmowitz:  Aristoteles  u.  A  then  II,  172.  In  the  dialogues  Socrates  sometimes 
uses  the  demotikon.  This  is  capable  of  two  interpretations,  a  mock  pomposity  or  a 
mark  of  familiar  discourse. 

Callicles  of  Acharnae  addresses  him  by  his  demotikon  in  retort  {Gorgias  495  D), 
and  it  might  be  noted  in  this  connection  that  for  all  his  readiness  to  speak  of  his  friend 
Krito  as  being  of  his  deme,  Socrates  never  mentions  his  own  deme,  as  Laches  does  in  the 
passage  considered  above  (See  Chap.  VII,  note  46).  There  is  characterization  here, 
and  there  may  be  in  the  greeting  directed  to  AppoUodorus  when  he  is  called  a  Phalerian 
by  the  friend  who  overtakes  him  as  he  is  returning  from  Phaleron  to  the  city  {Symp. 
172  A).  The  demotikon  is  punned  on  in  one  passage  {Phaedrus  244).  It  is  all  very 
free  and  easy;  the  demotikon  occurs  in  the  conversational  parts  of  the  dialogue,  in  the 
narrative  which  gives  the  setting,  or  may  even  become  a  part  of  the  stage  directions, 
as  it  were.  But  when  an  Athenian  has  to  be  introduced  to  a  foreigner  or  is  mentioned 
to  him  or  addressed  before  him  the  demotikon  is  avoided  and  he  is  presented  as  one  of 
the  natives  {Phaedo  59  B,  Protag.  316  B)  or  the  ethnikon  may  be  used  {Cratylus  429  E). 
Out  of  23  demotika  considered,  all  but  4  were  from  country  demes,  and  of  these  only 
2  were  within  the  walls  of  the  city,  Kerameikos  and  Kydathenaeon  {Symp.  173  B, 
Protag.  315  D).  In  Socrates'  circle  a  man  from  a  city  deme  would  hardly  require  the 
demotikon  for  identification;  a  family  would  be  better  suited  to  the  taste  of  the  com- 
pany. If,  however,  he  does  have  the  demotikon,  it  is  reasonable  to  suppose  that  his 
family  is  not  so  well  known  to  Socrates  and  his  friends.  In  the  case  of  men  from  the 
country  demes,  if  some  member  of  the  man's  family  is  the  better  known,  whether  father 
or  son,  that  name  may  be  used  with  the  demotikon  to  reinforce  it;  but  this  is  generally 
in  reply  to  some  special  inquiry  {Theaet.  144  C,  Lysis  204  E,  Cratylus  396  D,  Phaedrus 
244  A,  Apol.  33  E).  This  is  the  same  form  of  name  as  if  the  patronymic  were  still  used 
{Hipparchus  228  B.),  is  naturally  used  in  speaking  of  friends  or  citizens  of  family,  and 
it  is  in  quite  a  different  vein  that  Socrates  refers  to  Meletus  when  one  of  his  friends  asks 
him  what  he  is  doing  at  the  Archon's  {Euthyphro  3  B.).  The  demesman  may  be  cited 
as  authority  for  some  story  about  to  be  told  {Symp.  175  B,  Cratylus  396  D.),  but  in  nar- 
rative the  simple  demotikon  may  be  all  that  is  required  {Euthyd.  273  D,  Symp.  176  D, 
Protag.  315  D.).  In  passages  where  a  number  of  names  are  given  the  greatest  variety 
is  shown  {Lysis  203  A,  Rep.  328  B,  Gorgias  487  C,  Protag.  315  B.  and  C.  Menex.  236.), 
now  a  demotikon  between  two  father's  names  or  two  demotika  with  the  father's  name 
between  them,  or  demotikon  between  ethnikon  and  father's  name  or  father's  name  and 
demotikon. 


60  THE  DEMESMAN  IN  ATTIC  LIFE 

son,  is  more  purely  personal  than,  say  in  Boeotia,  where  the  patrony- 
mic was  retained.^^  And  though  the  patronymic  is  used  in  Homer 
much  in  address  in  Attica  it  might  not  be  regarded  so  seriously — 
if  only  because  it  was  Boeotian.  Thus  we  find  Dikaeopolis  calling 
Acharnians  by  a  high-sounding  patronymic^^  and  in  an  oration  of 
Lysias  a  slave  is  addressed  in  contempt  as  NtKO/xaxtS^ys,^^  his 
name  being  really  Nt/cojuaxos.  In  Attic  there  is  this  light  use  of 
the  patronymic  in  contrast  to  the  dignity  it  might  derive  from 
religious  myth.  The  Athenians  preferred  the  more  personal  form 
of  address.  You  call  a  man  by  his  father's  name,^^  his  son's  name,^^ 
his  brother's  name,^^  sometimes  in  compliment,  at  others  using  a 
name  already  famiUar  to  the  circle.  The  son's  name  especially  was 
complimentary  and  one  is  reminded  how  Ulysses  chose  for  the 
title  by  which  he  would  be  known  that  of  the  father  of  Telemachos.^^ 
And  there  are  certain  citizens  of  a  leading  family  who  are  so  often 
mentioned  with  only  their  father's  name  that  their  deme  is  not 
known.2^  The  associations  of  the  demotikon  are  democratic,  of 
the  father's  name  aristocratic;  thus  the  two  Thucydides  are  dis- 
tinguished by  their  father's  names,  the  two  Thrasybuli  by  their 
demotika  and  Alcibiades  the  son  of  Kleinias  was  not  to  be  confused 
with  Alcibiades  of  Phegous^^.  But  there  was  another  difference. 
As  the  demes  were  a  local  institution  of  Attica  and  were  not  found 
elsewhere  outside  of  Attica  the  demotikon  had  no  great  significance. 
When  Herodotus,  for  instance,  calls  an  Athenian  by  his  demotikon 
it  merely  indicates  that  the  historian  has  been  consulting  an  Attic 
source,22  perhaps  copied  an  Attic  record,  and  in  one  instance  he 
puts  in  'Adrjvalos  tls  right  after  the  demename  to  show  that  it  is 
an  Athenian. 23    Outside  of  Attica  the  demotikon  is  strange.     When 

13  Meister.  Gr.  Did.  1. 196. 

1*  Aristophanes  Acharnians,  322. 

w  Lysias  XXX,  1 1 .    Blass,  A  tt.  Bered.  I,  463. 

i«  Plato:  Lysis.  203  A,  204  E,  Protag.  315  C.  Rep.  327  A. 

"Plat.:  Apol.  22  E. 

18  Plat.:  Apol.  33  E. 

"Homer:  Iliad  II,  260.    Cf.  also  Euripides:  Iphigeneia  in  Tauris,  687-712. 

20  Wilamowitz  Aristoteles  und  Athen  II,  172.  The  family  of  KaXX^as  b  'IttovIkov 
held  two  very  important  offices  —  one  that  of  irpd^evos  at  Sparta,  the  other  that  of 
d^dovxos  at  'E\evaLs.     Could  it  have  belonged  to  the  deme  KvSadrjvatov? 

21  Plato,:^/a&.  1, 113  B.  Andocides  I,  65  and  Antiphon  f.  8.  Harp.  s.  v.  'AX/ci/3ta5i|s. 

22  Hdt.  VIII,  93.    VI,  131,  is  cleariy  from  an  Attic  record. 

28  Hdt.  VIII,  84.  This  to  show  that  Ameinias  Palleneus  is  from  Pallene  the  Attic 
deme  and  not  Pallene  of  Thessaly  (Thuc.  1, 56,  etc.). 


APPENDIX  61 

the  Athenian  made  himself  known  to  a  larger  public  it  was  by  his 
ethnikon,  'kS-qvaios.  So  Thucydides  began  his  history  and  so 
Pheidias  signed  his  statue  of  the  Olympian  Zeus.^^  Another  Atheni- 
an sculptor  signed  his  work  at  first  with  his  demotikon,  'kyKv\7)B€v. 
Then  it  was  set  up  at  Oropus  which  proved  to  be  outside  of  Attica. 
The  inscription  accordingly  shows  'A^T^z^atos  over  an  erasure.^^ 

Where  several  men  of  the  same  deme  are  mentioned  the  demoti- 
kon naturally  takes  the  plural,^^  though  it  happens  that  most  occur- 
ences of  the  plural  demotikon  refer  to  the  deme  as  a  locality  rather 
than  to  the  body  of  the  demesmen." 

What  can  be  learned  from  their  use  of  the  demotikon  about 
the  temper  and  spirit  of  the  Athenians?  They  were  exclusive^^ 
and  never  lost  the  sentiment  of  nobility.  And  the  demotikon 
enabled  the  Athenian  to  indulge  that  sentiment  of  nobility  as  the 
old  clan  name  or  patronymic  never  could  have  done.  The  demotikon 
served  to  mark  off  the  true  citizens  of  the  Imperial  City  from  the 
slaves,  metics,  and  other  foreigners  who  were  drawn  into  the  vortex 
of  the  Peiraeus  and  against  whose  fraudulent  admission  into  the 
registers  of  the  demes  such  vigilance  was  ever  necessary .^^  Within 
the  body  of  the  citizens  aristocracy  could  not  be  checked,  was  sure 
to  reassert  itself,  and  the  father's  name  took  its  place  alongside 
the  demotikon. 3*^  Thus  in  the  fourth  century  a  man  was  named 
by  his  demotikon,  which  ranked  him  as  an  Athenian,  and  by  his 
father's  name  which  served  to  distinguish  him  among  the  citizens. 

24  Paus.  V,  10,  2.  Strabo  VIII,  353.  Plato,  Profag.  311  C.  Isocr.  XV,  2  (?).  This 
was  the  fashion  followed  by  the  Humanists. 

^  This  is  Loewy's  theory.  See  Inschriften  der  Griechischen  Bildhauer  127,  A. 
But  no.  126  'AyKvXfjdev.  Of  59  occurrences  of  the  ethnikon,  only  6  are  exceptions  and 
the  editor  in  each  case  disposes  of  them;  of  57  occurrences  of  the  demotikon,  all  belong 
inside  of  Attica. 

26  Dem.  XLII,  28. 

27  Thuc.  II,  21.    Dem.  XLIV,  21.  26,  28,  etc.,  LVII,  56. 

28  Thus  I.  G.  1. 2  is  an  inscription  containing  a  decree  of  the  Scambonidae  about  the 
care  of  the  sacred  rites  and  shows  that  the  demesmen  of  Scambonidae  excluded  metics 
from  their  public  sacrifices.  Beginning  with  exclusiveness  in  religious  matters  (note 
how  the  Eteo-Boutadai  changed  their  name)  the  Athenians  extended  it  to  social  and 
to  economic  interests. 

29  See  chap.  VI,  note  13. 

^°  Wilamovitz  calls  attention  to  the  names  in  the  four  inscriptions,  I.  G.  IV,  117. 
II,  1685,  II,  2002,  and  II,  2330.  In  these  four  cases,  he  explains,  the  father  has  only 
the  demotikon,  the  son  follows  the  fashion  of  the  fourth  century  and  consequently 
unless  the  custom  changed  with  this  generation  the  father  was  a  new  citizen.  If  the 
father  was  a  new  citizen,  however,  we  would  rather  expect  the  omission  of  the  demotikon. 
See  Wilamovitz,  Aristoteles  und  Athen  II,  169-185,  the  chapter  on  The  Athenian  Name. 


PARTIAL  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Beloch.     Die  Attische  Politik  seit  Perikles.     (1884). 

Boisacq.     DicHonnaire  Etymologique  de  la  langue  Grecque. 

Botsford.    The  Athenian  Constitution  in  Cornell  Studies  IV  (1893). 

Biichsenschutz.    Besitz  und  Erwerh  im  Griechischen  AUerthum.     (1869). 

Buermann,  H.    Drei  Studien  auf  dem  Gebiet  des  Attischen  Rechts  in  Jahrh.  f.  Phil. 

Suppl.  (Fleckheisen)  IX,  617. 
Busolt.     Griechische  Geschichte.     (1885-88). 
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of  Texas,  Jan.  1913. 
Carroll,  M.    The  Athens  of  Aristophanes  in  Studies  in  Honor  of  Professor  Gilder  sleeve, 

p.  244. 
Croiset,  M.    Aristophanes  and  the  Political  Parties  at  Athens. 
Dittenberger.    Die  Kleisthenische  Phylen,  Hermes  IX,  385.     (1875). 
Diimmler.    Kleine  Schriften.     (1901). 
Earle.    Land  Charters  and  Saxonic  Documents.     (1888). 
Famell.    Cults  of  the  Greek  States.     (1896). 

Ferguson,  W.  S.    The  Athenian  Phratries  in  Class.  Philology,  (1910),  p.  257. 
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Fowler,  W.  W.     The  City  State  of  the  Greeks  and  Romans. 
Fustel  de  Coulauges.    La  Citi  Antique  (1878). 

Gilbert.     Greek  Constitutional  Antiquities.     Bowler  &  Nicklin  hand.     (1895). 
Gilbert.    Die  Altattische  Nomenverfassung  in  Jahrh.  f,  Phil.  Suppl.  (Fleckheisen)  VII. 
Grote.    History  of  Greece. 
Haussoulier.    La  Vie  Municipale  en  Attique  in  Bih.  Scales  Frangaises  d'Athdnes  et 

de  Rome.     Fasc.  38. 
Hicks  and  Hill.    Greek  Historical  Inscriptions.   (1901). 
Jevons.    Kin  and  Custom  in  Journal  of  Philology,  XVI,  103. 
Kenyon,  F.  G.     Translation  of  Aristotles  Constitution  of  Athens,  (1891). 
Kretschmer.    Einleitung  in  die  Geschichte  der  Griechischen  Sprache. 
Lang,  A.     The  World  of  Homer.     (1910). 

Leake,  W.     Topography  of  Athens  and  the  Demi  of  Attica,  (1841). 
Loeper,  R.    Die  Trittyen  und  Demen  Attikas  in  Athen.  Mitth.  XVII  (1892),319-433. 
Loewy.    Inschriften  der  Griechischen  Bildhauer,  (1885). 
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Attika  and  other  articles  in  Pauly-Wissowa  Real  Encyc.  Vols.  I  and  II. 
von  Premerstein.    Phratem-Verbande  auf  einem  Attischen  Hypothekenstein  in  Athen. 

Mitth.  1910,  p.  103  ff. 
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Rogers,  B.    Aristophanes  Comedies. 
Rohde.    Psyche,  (1898). 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  ,  ^  !'\  \ ,,  .W'  '-. '  \ '-.  J "'  i  I  /&3 

Sauppe.    De  demis  urhanis  Athenarum,  (1846). 

Savage.    The  Athenian  Family  (J.  H.  U.  Diss.,  1907.) 

Schoffer.    Art.  on  Demen  in  Pauly-Wissowa,  V.  s.  i. 

Seebohm,  H.  S.    Structure  of  Greek  Tribal  Society.     (1895). 

Susemihl.    Genetische  Entwickelung  der  Platonischen  Philosophie.,  (1855). 

Szanto.    Die  Kleisthenischen  Trittyen  in  Hermes  XXVII  (1892),  312-314. 

De  Sanctis.    Atthis. 

Tarbell.    A  Study  of  the  Attic  Phratry  in  Am.  Journ.  Arch.  V,  135. 

Whibley.    Political  Parties  in  Athens  during  the  Peloponnesian  War,  Ed.  2,  (1889). 

Wilamowitz-Moellendorf.    Aus  Kydathen  in  Phil.  Untersuch.  (1880),  1-3. 

Aristoteles  und  Athen.     (1893). 
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Drisler. 
Zimmem.     The  Greek  Commonwealth.     (1911). 


VITA 

John  Bowen  Edwards  was  born  at  Alderson,  West  Virginia, 
October?,  1883. 

His  preliminary  education  was  received  at  the  Westminster 
High  School.  He  attended  Western  Maryland  College  for  three 
years  and  received  the  degree  of  A.B.  in  1903.  In  1904  he  entered 
the  Johns  Hopkins  University  for  graduate  work  and  pursued 
courses  in  Greek,  Latin  and  Sanskrit.  He  took  up  his  work  again 
in  1907  with  additional  courses  in  Archaeology  and  in  1908  was 
Fellow  of  the  American  School  at  Athens.  In  1912  he  returned 
to  the  University  and  held  the  Greek  Fellowship  for  the  years 
1912-14. 

He  wishes  to  express  his  gratitude  to  his  friends  at  the  University 
and  especially  to  Professor  Gildersleeve,  Professor  Robinson,  Pro- 
fessor Smith,  Professor  Bloomfield,  Professor  Miller  and  Professor 
Vincent  for  their  many  acts  of  kindness  and  assistance.  He  is  con- 
scious of  the  deepest  obligation  to  Professor  Gildersleeve  at  whose 
suggestion  this  study  was  undertaken,  and  to  Professor  Robinson, 
who  has  been  most  kind  in  his  suggestions  and  criticisms  of  both 
the  manuscript  and  the  proof. 


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